Gavin Hales Profile picture
Oct 8, 2021 16 tweets 6 min read Read on X
Some discussions in the press about how charge/summons rates vary by police force area.

Here I've prepared some charts to look at rape and other sexual offences, for the 3 years from 2018/19 to 2020/21 (inclusive).

First, rape charge rates.

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A very wide range of charge rates (as at July 2021: these data are periodically refreshed).

Durham are in a league of their own, with a 7.1% charge rate. Wilts, Kent, A&S and GMP all under 2%. Met Police on 2.3%. #crimestats

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Here's the same data with the 3 years separated out.

Note that rape offences that reach a charge typically take a long time to investigate, so those reported in 2018/19 have had longer to reach a conclusion, and not all rapes recorded over the 3 years are finalised yet.

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Note that I've not accounted for crimes that have 'not yet been assigned an outcome' in this analysis (they are still counted in the denominator), and the charge rates will increase as more time passes.

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I wondered if the rate of rapes (per 100k population) recorded by the police might be a factor, thinking lower rates might equate to more time to investigate each allegation.

In fact, there is no correlation at all.

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Finally, I also looked at the 3-year charge rate for other sexual offences (ie all sexual offences except rape). A somewhat different picture, though Wilts and especially Kent still way down on the rest.

The offence mix could be a factor, as could varying charging practices.

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The source for the data: Home Office Crime Outcomes in England and Wales Open Data, as at July 2021 (the most recent available as of today). gov.uk/government/sta…

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As with most things I've posted on here in recent years, I've done this analysis in my own time. If you'd like to support my work, you can help by buying me a coffee ko-fi.com/gmhales.

Thank you.
Here's the Telegraph piece from yesterday, which singles out the Met and Lancs. I think it unhelpfully conflates violent and sexual offences. telegraph.co.uk/news/2021/10/0…
For comparative purposes, here is the charge/summons rate by force for violence with injury offences. The Met are above average. I'm not sure that fits with the Telegraph portrayal of it being "the worst force in England and Wales for solving sexual and violent crime".
@pwilkinson_pcc the charts above will be of interest
If you want to see the full breakdown of crime outcomes for rapes across 2018/19 to 20/21, here it is (ranked by % charged/summons).

I've picked out the % 'not yet assigned an outcome' in pink: 5 forces over 25%, Wilts 42%.
Since a number of people have suggested that regional CPS practices may be important, here's the force rape charge rates colour coded by CPS area
It's interesting, for example, to note the Durham/Northumbria/Cleveland group towards the top, and the Sussex/Surrey/Kent group towards the bottom. A fairly mixed picture overall.
I've now grouped the police force rape charge/summons rate data by CPS region.
The composition of the CPS regions, for reference cps.gov.uk/about-cps/cps-…

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More from @gmhales

Oct 10
I've been wondering recently how many racist police officers were racist when they joined, and whether part of the issue is logical fallacies arising from having a lot of contact with very narrow sections of society in places they may not otherwise be familiar with.
This links to the notion of 'blue-tinted spectacles', described to me some years ago by a serving officer
Does this analogy work? Imagine you run a car repair garage and for whatever reason most of your customers drive BMWs, and they only bring them to you when they break down. Is there a risk you start thinking there's something wrong with BMWs in particular?
Read 9 tweets
Jul 25
Something I've been reflecting on recently: I worry that an emphasis on places (e.g. hotspot policing) over people (those causing the greatest harm) may be a driver of disproportionality and especially 'false positive' contact between policing and the public.
Linked to this, I worry that policing generally does not adequately clarify the *number of people they believe are causing the greatest harms* in particular locations.
Lots of possible examples, but take robbery: hypothetically, you might have 100 robberies in an area (a 'robbery hotspot') over a period of time, each with one suspect. You have named suspects for only 15, consisting of 10 people. For the other 85 only approx age, sex, ethnicity.
Read 12 tweets
May 27
On Sunday, the Guardian ran an article looking at what has happened to ethnic disparities in the UK 5yrs on from George Floyd. It includes this chart on Stop and Search (which relates to Eng+Wal). What it misses is the impact of switching from the 2011 to 2021 Censuses [cont'd] Image
Handily, the Home Office publishes an 'ethnic disparities time series dashboard' for stop and search. Here's Greater Manchester Police. Note how in the top R chart black/white disparity increases to a cliff edge after 2019/20. #stopsearch assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/66f44156…Image
It looks like racial disparity got worse for a decade before suddenly improving. Was that a police force growing increasingly racist, followed by George Floyd/BLM effect?
Read 8 tweets
Feb 11, 2024
I had a look at #schoolexclusions data the other day, and since then received a breakdown with sex and FSM eligibility as well as ethnicity - this time for all state schools (not just secondary) across 4 years.

In this thread I'll present various ways of looking at the data. 🧵
The main question I'll be examining is how rates of exclusion compare between white and black pupils. As a rule, Asian pupils are excluded less often.
In this first chart, we see that boys are permanently excluded more often than girls. Across both sexes black Caribbean children are exluded more often than white British, followed by black African and children of 'other' white backgrounds. Image
Read 17 tweets
Jan 8, 2024
A thread on the likely interaction of systemic/structural inequalities and institutional racism, looking at #knifecrime involving young people in London. 🧵
1) Police data on knife crime shows clear racial disproportionality in both victimisation and offending (which overlap), with violence concentrated in more deprived neighbourhoods; higher crime areas are typically allocated more police resources.
2) In discussing knife crime, it is common for people to highlight its presence in 'black communities', and to responsibilise 'black communities' or 'the community' to find solutions. (No-one ever talks about white Londoners in those terms.)
Read 28 tweets
Apr 27, 2023
The Home Office published their quarterly update of crime outcomes data today, and I've been taking my periodic look at rape charge rates.

Here, first, we see that the charge rate for rapes recorded in 2020/21 has now reached 4.0% and continues to rise. #crimestats

1/ 🧵 Image
I can provide this kind of analysis because I've been collating an archive of the quarterly updates over the last 2 yrs, something I'm not aware anyone else has done.

Here's a summary of the data.

2/ Image
We can look at charge rate progression in chart form, comparing where successive years have got to. The dashed lines and hollow markers indicate no refresh of the data published at that point.

3/ Image
Read 11 tweets

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