This is a history of the 1983 campaign against spiritual pollution in nine posts. It begins with the summertime crackdown on street crime and "hooliganism," Deng Xiaoping's purge of leftists, and the idea of spiritual civilization to replace revolutionary fervor.
The strike hard campaign against crime was a response to a widespread and not unfounded perception that Reform and Opening had caused social chaos. Crime was through the roof. The criminal code was adjusted. The Public Security Bureau started filling quotas.
The "hooligan" crimes included things not previously criminal but considered morally repugnant. Ma Yanqin famously got the death penalty for holding dance parties. Tens of thousands were rounded up. A few thousand were executed. Even more suspended death sentences were given out.
At around this same time, Deng started carrying out "Party consolidation." He's kicking out the leftists and the old guard. This is part of his elite transformation of the Party, bringing in people without much revolutionary fervor but good ideas. There's resistance.
He gave a concession to one of those leftists—Deng Liqun—and picked up his idea of spiritual pollution. Perhaps this was to give the Maoists something to do. Maybe it was a way to buy the cooperation of key conservatives. Deng Liqun took the lead.
The campaign widened. It targeted not only political issues but also vulgarity, immorality, and blind adoration of the West. The strike hard campaign on crime was winding down, but the moral concerns of the campaign against spiritual pollution seemed to be a continuation.
It spread to the arts. Jia Pingwa was briefly blacklisted. It was also used to attack intellectuals, like Wang Ruoshui, who touched off a firestorm with an article about Marxist idea of alienation under (market) socialism. Supposedly vigilantes attacked people with long hair.
Things began to slow down. Editorials appeared telling everyone to calm down. The criminals that spread pornography would be punished but not artists and intellectuals. You can't build socialist behind closed doors. This came straight from Hu Yaobang.
The campaign continued at a low simmer, led by Deng Liqun and crew, often substituting "spiritual pollution" with other terms. When student protests kicked off in the winter of 1986 at campuses across the country, the conservatives warned that their advice was not being heeded.
The campaign was rekindled in early 1987, partially in response to the student demonstrations at the end of the previous year. It was time to combat bourgeois liberalization through reinforcing "Party leadership over ideology, theory, literature and art."
It's important to understand these conservative campaigns and how Deng Xiaoping balanced them against economic and his own political reforms. Given later events, you can make the case he failed. But the men that took up the leadership of the country learned from his example.
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Eight Raps to a Disco Beat 蹦迪八大扯 by Sun Xiaobao 孙小宝 and Jin Ling 金玲 from 2004 is more clearly the progenitor of hanmai 喊麦. This is a rundown of the eight types of xiaojie 小姐—here, meaning women that exchange intimacy for cash, from hotel suite to street corner.
This would never have made it on TV but was sold as a DVD special. It leans heavily on social commentary in the same style as that first clip. In between, you've got nostalgic singalongs. There's a live studio audience that's clearly wrecked.
The subtitles need more attention to the particular rhythms of er'renzhuan 二人转, I think, but they'll give you an idea of the content. Forgive any errors. This is a fairly unique commentary on popular concerns around the turn of the century, I think.
A key figure in neo-authoritarianism, Xiao Gongqin speaks here on Maoism, which he calls the fifth modernization model chosen in Chinese politics (this was preceded by abortive post-1898 enlightened despotism under the Qing, Sun Zhongshan's 1911 parliamentary model...
...Yuan Shikai strongman government, and nationalist authoritarianism under Chiang Kai-shek). Leninist totalism backed by military force holds for a long time. But it gave in to extreme left-wing thought. Competent neo-authoritarianism keeps both flanks at bay.
Deng Xiaoping's neo-authoritarianism was the solution—gradual reform with an iron fist 用铁腕进行渐进市场经济改革. Xiao Gongqin has praised Xi Jinping for taking up that neo-authoritarian line, dropped by Deng's succesors: deepening reform while disciplining the extremes.
We know Wang Huning's trip to America was important. But his experiences in Singapore are more formative. This is where he sees a neoauthoritarianism in action, with political, economic, and cultural freedoms permitted under stable authority and shared values.
He marvels at the wealth of Singapore. It's clean and prosperous and lively. There's nothing like equality, but the lives of the underclass are, he assumes, fairly good. But how was it been able to surpass some cities in the West in wealth and other factors?
The history of colonialism and the drive to modernize inclined Singapore toward Western civilization 西方文明 and Western culture 西方文化. Taking industrial civilization 工业文明 from the West, means taking less positive aspects, like its social ills 社会病.
Wang Huning is described as making a "daring break from the materialism of orthodox Marxism" in the idea that social "software" shapes its "hardware." I want to say a few things about this. palladiummag.com/2021/10/11/the…
For the break from Marxist orthodoxy on economic determinism in Chinese political theory, we should go back to the 1930s, at least. Mao tells us that political and cultural changes can become crucial. This was his idea of a cultural revolution, decades before 1966.
Culture is a reflection of politics and economics, Mao says in 1940, but the former has a "tremendous influence and effect upon the latter." Mao repeatedly argues this is not a break from Marxist orthodoxy. You can decide for yourself. It was less of a break from Lenin, for sure.
The most significant reforms Deng Xiaoping carried out were vertical decentralization and aggressive depoliticization: localities were isolated from the top and anything bubbling up from there could be evaluated through the logic of marketization and given ex post facto approval.
This was making official the lay of the land through the 1970s, when decentralization and depoliticization were already underway. Factional politics at the top, but commune and brigade enterprises and other novel organizations thriving down below. It only had to legitimized.
The Two Initiatives that formed the theoretical basis of Mao's own attempt at devolution of powers in the 1950s (after being forced to liquidate Gao Gang and Rao Shushi) were written into the 1982 Constitution. This created the most complex, dynamic modern political system.
This is Huang Haihua 黄海华, the style is pingtan 评弹, and he is singing from an opera called Finding Mother in a Nunnery 庵堂认母. The subtitles are imperfect but I hope they will give you the general idea of what he is singing about.
The tense in the subtitles could be adjusted, I believe. But, again, you get the general idea: he is an orphan, raised by another woman, but, after finding a note his mother wrote in her own blood, hinting at his parentage in riddles, he realizes the truth and vows to find her.
I don't have it in me to do anymore, but you should hear Zhang Jianzhen 张建珍 sing, giving us his mother's point of view. The nun—Zhizhen 智贞—is upset by the arrival of her son at the convent. She knows it's him, but to admit that would harm her reputation and hurt his career.