Wang Huning is described as making a "daring break from the materialism of orthodox Marxism" in the idea that social "software" shapes its "hardware." I want to say a few things about this. palladiummag.com/2021/10/11/the…
For the break from Marxist orthodoxy on economic determinism in Chinese political theory, we should go back to the 1930s, at least. Mao tells us that political and cultural changes can become crucial. This was his idea of a cultural revolution, decades before 1966.
Culture is a reflection of politics and economics, Mao says in 1940, but the former has a "tremendous influence and effect upon the latter." Mao repeatedly argues this is not a break from Marxist orthodoxy. You can decide for yourself. It was less of a break from Lenin, for sure.
When the political revolution was won in 1949, the effort to "eradicate the bourgeois ideology on the cultural front" could not be abandoned. This leads to the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of 1966—running a cultural revolution in a socialist country.
Wang Huning in the 1980s takes on some of these ideas because they're mainstream. But he rejects the Cultural Revolution. He's also writing at a time when the echoes of the '60s are being felt in things like the campaigns against spiritual pollution and bourgeois liberalization.
He makes that clear in "Rethinking the Cultural Revolution and Structural Reform," written on the twentieth anniversary of the Cultural Revolution, as well as "The Structure of China’s Changing Political Culture" in 1988. He rejects "leftist ideology."
He's arguing for reviving traditional, indigenous Chinese values suppressed by the ultra-left. These values provide an alternative to Western modernity, feudalism, the ultra-left, etc. Rule of law and a clear constitutional framework will protect them.
This leads to the Party going back to something more recognizably Marxist and going all-in on the idea that spiritual civilization and material civilization should be developed in concert. Wang Huning has Jiang Zemin emphasize this idea.
Culture is no longer something to inspire the masses to revolutionary acts, but becomes part of an essentially Chinese spiritual civilization that has the power to discipline and direct. Probably also under the influence of Wang Huning, this is expanded to political civilization.
That idea built up under Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao emphasizes an essentially Chinese political culture of rule by law and rule by virtue that leads directly into the tenure of Xi Jinping. Again, Wang Huning is the common link. And he was writing about that stuff in the '80s.
Does any of this help explain a crackdown now on popular culture? Is this from Wang Huning? In a way, it reminds us of the 1980s! Look at the categories targeted in 1983: "Vulgar taste ... which does not give aesthetic enjoyment but rather makes people feel disgusted
My own impression right now is that these various cultural moves are somewhat minor against the larger projects being undertaken. Sometimes it's to grease economic or political levels, but, mostly, it's giving people things they want. It's a conservative country.
These are very minor moves, anyways. They're mostly for show. But since political discourse in the West has been reduced to arguments over culture (and not in the Maoist sense or Maoism through Western cultural theory), they seem like a big deal to us.
This thread goes too many places. This is my conclusion: if you want to understand contemporary Chinese politics, it's a good idea to know Mao, it's a good idea to know the intellectual debates of the '80s, and it's a good idea to read a lot of Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao speeches.

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More from @dylanleviking

10 Oct
The most significant reforms Deng Xiaoping carried out were vertical decentralization and aggressive depoliticization: localities were isolated from the top and anything bubbling up from there could be evaluated through the logic of marketization and given ex post facto approval.
This was making official the lay of the land through the 1970s, when decentralization and depoliticization were already underway. Factional politics at the top, but commune and brigade enterprises and other novel organizations thriving down below. It only had to legitimized.
The Two Initiatives that formed the theoretical basis of Mao's own attempt at devolution of powers in the 1950s (after being forced to liquidate Gao Gang and Rao Shushi) were written into the 1982 Constitution. This created the most complex, dynamic modern political system.
Read 8 tweets
10 Oct
This is Huang Haihua 黄海华, the style is pingtan 评弹, and he is singing from an opera called Finding Mother in a Nunnery 庵堂认母. The subtitles are imperfect but I hope they will give you the general idea of what he is singing about.
The tense in the subtitles could be adjusted, I believe. But, again, you get the general idea: he is an orphan, raised by another woman, but, after finding a note his mother wrote in her own blood, hinting at his parentage in riddles, he realizes the truth and vows to find her.
I don't have it in me to do anymore, but you should hear Zhang Jianzhen 张建珍 sing, giving us his mother's point of view. The nun—Zhizhen 智贞—is upset by the arrival of her son at the convent. She knows it's him, but to admit that would harm her reputation and hurt his career.
Read 4 tweets
19 Aug
A United States Information Service production, Korean Cultural Goodwill Mission to Southeast Asia (1958) was part of an effort to build mutual understanding among "free people of Asia" and showcase American empire with Korea as second-in-command. Saigon, Manila, Hong Kong...
And here's Taipei, the capital of Free China. Han Sang Kim writes: Korean "self-awareness as second-in-command and their sense of superiority over Southeast Asian people are both cinematically exercised." But it's also USIS "showing off its power to see and visualize."
"...[T]he governmentality of Cold War Asia was
formed through a process of inheriting the basic structure established in colonial regimes of knowledge and redetermining the relationship between the newly independent states and the U.S. in the new world order."
Read 4 tweets
18 Aug
Paul Engle holds forth in this documentary—Community of the Imagination (1973)—funded by the United States Information Agency, covering a residency at the International Writing Program. This idea of a cultural battlefield is mostly gone, I think, or it's much less sophisticated.
Robert Blum of the CIA-operated Asia Foundation pushed the United States to become a patron of the arts. Creativity was a bulwark against communism (as was the healthy nationalism of folk arts, an important aspect here). Paul and Nieh Hua-ling took up the project.
Nieh Hua-ling helped shape how literary translation was conceived of in the United States. The process she describes here—essentially bridge translation, with the final product handed off to an "American writer" who puts it in "publishable form"—is still standard practice.
Read 6 tweets
17 Aug
Everyone enjoying Wang Huning's America Against America, either in the original or through grassroots scanlation efforts, I recommend another contemporary portrait of America: Beijinger in New York, a TV series adapted from a 1991 novel about a sojourn in America.
The series came at a moment not completely unlike the present, when the West was making a show of turning its back on China, while things and money and people were still going back and forth. So, this is about a lot of things—but the portrait of America is interesting...
America is corrosive. Our protagonist—Qiming (Jiang Wen)—a shaggy but humane and cultured musician is destroyed: he's reduced to a beast of burden, his wife starts sleeping with her boss (white, sleazy missionary grandson, fluent in Chinese), and his daughter is hooked on dope.
Read 6 tweets
9 Jul
This is an essay about online politics by Wang Taotao 王陶陶. He says, basically: ideological confrontation with the West has sped up the decline of Chinese liberalism, and a generation born decades on from Reform and Opening are unenthusiastic about the market economy.
Identified with openness to the West, liberalism is untenable in an age of conflict with the United States. He compares the decline of liberalism to the decline of pan-Asianism in the '30s and the shock delivered to pro-Soviet intellectuals in the wake of the Sino-Soviet split.
The second factor is a generational split: people born in the '60s, '70s, even to some extent the '80s were beneficiaries of Reform and Opening, when a college degree was a ticket to the good life. This is no longer the case. There is increasing skepticism of the market economy.
Read 12 tweets

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