On Friday, I will lead a discussion on histories of land tenure & political violence in Kenya & Ethiopia. To frame the conversation, we will think alongside @NgugiWaThiongo_'s Weep Not, Child & @HaileGerima's Harvest, 3000 Years. Both of these powerful pieces raise 1/
penetrating questions—some similar, others not—re: labour, class & racial exploitation, gender, family debates, resistance, & historical imagination. As @ElleniZeleke reminds us, Gerima's later films, Imperfect Journey & Teza, question revolutionary violence surrounding 1974. 2/
Harvest, by contrast, was produced much earlier: in 1976. It critiques land tenure & labour in Ethiopia while showing how one emerging regime of exploitative power was now replacing one whose genealogy was birthed on the bed of Solomon. 3/
One is instantly reminded of the opening sentences of the Manifesto of the Communist Party: 'The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. 4/
It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones.' One regime of exploitation has replaced another. In between the 2 are ordinary lives and communities struggling for justice and reform. 5/
Here we have the closing scenes of Harvest, following the murder of a prominent landowner: 6/
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On @Shell & African history writing. Following UG's Indp., there were extensive debates re: a memorial for Kabaka Muteesa I. Companies too capitalized upon such causes. Here, Shell suggested to readers that their work & vision for EA followed Muteesa's call for progress. 1/10
12 Oct. '62: 'Today, of course, everyone knows that [...] near the site of Mutesa's palace, is a beautiful, well-ordered city and the seat of the Government of Uganda. However, the railway does not go everywhere, 2/10
& E. Africans today rely more and more on motor transport. Shell have catered for this need, and their distributive organisation with over 800 outlets is the most comprehensive in East Africa. Shell is best for your car and wherever you go you can be sure of finding Shell.' 3/10
Following Independence, ongoing debates continued in Mbale about the charter of Nakaloke county and Mbale town, which Milton Obote was eyeing as Uganda's future capital. One of the most vocal writers of this time was Samwiri Mulabbi, who "advise[d] every Mugisu 1/9
wherever he or she may be to be quiet as you did when the boundary commission was doing its work." At length, he continued, "I ask all people of Bukedi to be calm about our land problem. [...] All of our trust is within God who created us on this jolly land of Bukedi. 2/9
I know that our independent Uganda is not going to use the British saying which says that disturb and rule." 3/9
On Jopadhola activism. Throughout the late 1950s, organisers articulated their frustrations about the state's economic demands & religious influences in Bunyole, Kisoko, & Tororo. On the one hand, communities were frustrated that the government & some writers in Buganda 1/7
insisted on accruing revenues from the region's cement production. On 20 February 1956, for instance, writers in Dobozi suggested that 'the Buganda Government should share in the revenue derived from Tororo cement [...] 2/7
b/c "it was through the generosity of the Baganda that the British ever went to those parts—in fact they were assigned to them by the Baganda."' On the other hand, writers in Padhola published an editorial in Uganda Empya on 7 June 1956, wondering 'whether the Protectorate 3/7
of journalistic vitality. There were 8,200 copies of the Uganda Argus in circulation by 1958. Throughout the 1960s it remained Uganda’s leading English press, which meant that its pages constituted a significant site for debate and public management. 2/6
Benedicto Kiwanuka believed that the paper had become a socialist mouthpiece for the UPC by the late 1960s. Ironically, BK had himself been accused earlier by Catholic missionaries of being a Communist sympathizer. To counter the political leanings of the press, Kiwanuka 3/6
Buganda did not declare its Independence on 9 October 1962. It did so on 1 January 1961—and it nearly tore the kingdom apart. It was a decision that provoked outcry throughout the kingdom, and for some in the Lukiiko. I have provided a copy of the 1961 Agreement below. 1/
The new Agreement provoked immediate outcry throughout the kingdom, resulting in hundreds of petitions for the Lukiiko to resign. The petitions were recirculated by @DPSecretariat1 and in the Luganda press. They also began to resurface in Argus. 2/
Godfrey Binaisa and Luyimbazi Zake were among the most vocal critics of the declaration. In one letter to Katikkiro Kintu, they stated: 'We have had ample opportunity to make a careful study of the issues that made the Lukiiko decide upon secession. [...].' The two 'were 3/
'"Beautiful Women Change the Course of History!": Advertising Independence in early 1960s Uganda.' In the weeks surrounding #UgandaAt59, several hundred national & international companies congratulated UG on its Independence in Uganda Argus. Here are 87 examples.
The range of advertisements is incredibly diverse—from movie theatres to @Ford. Or from @BootsUK to @pepsi. I think there are many ways to read (or interpret) the images. We might, for instance, see them as illustrating the marketability of nationalism.
We can surely see how the images build upon and complicate tropes re: race, gender, and class. Walter Rodney might use them to convincingly argue that they show how late colonial capital maintained its grip on African economies in the postcolony.