Thread. This week, the New York Times's recent dangerous reporting on "crime" reached a new low. I try to document what happened carefully below, because what happens to the leading newspaper in the U.S. has effects on how we all get information about the world.
The NYT just published an article blaming nationwide corporate consolidation at Walgreens on a supposed wave of shoplifting by the poor in San Francisco. nytimes.com/2021/10/13/us/…
As you read, ask yourself: who determined that this Walgreens press release blaming shoplifters for corporate consolidation should be a NYT story, and why did they chose to tell the story the way they did?

"All the news that's fit to print."
Before I start, know that the entire NYT article is based on a lie: in fact, shoplifting in SF is *way down.* But NYT parrots corporate propaganda blaming shoplifting by the poor when store closures was a plan to extract cash for investors. Great thread:
Also know that this is a pattern at the NYT. Several months ago, the NYT *Bureau Chief* for SF was caught lying about this very issue. He then suggested to readers that the cause of a fabricated shoplifting wave was more lenient prison sentences.
NYT let their *Bureau Chief* spew what is the criminological equivalent of climate denial. The most well-researched and documented fact in all of the scientific criminological literature is that neither jail sentences nor longer sentences reduce "crime."
Now, to the most recent NYT article. Here are the sources in it, in order:

1. "Authorities"
2. Walgreens corp.
3. "Law enforcement officials."
4. Walgreens corp.
5. Politician
6. Walgreens corp.
7. DA
8. Cop source defers to Walgreens
9. Cops
10. Lawyer for indigent shoplifter
Notice that there is not a single source in the article who even suggests that its entire premise might be false, or a researcher who studies these issues, or one of the many experts who has already examined Walgreen's public claims, or an expert on crime data.
Another thing to notice: the NYT runs an entire article on shoplifting in downtown SF, one of the most unequal stretches of land in the history of modern human civilizations, and does not talk about poverty, wealth inequality, divestment from social services, healthcare, etc.
(Side note: SF cops and the NYT have learned that they can't blame shoplifting on "homeless people" anymore b/c it sounds bad. So now, with no evidence, and contrary to the truth, they say shoplifting by mostly very poor people is "organized crime.")
If you spend even a few weeks in criminal court in San Francisco, you'll see that most shoplifting is done by desperate people and is the result of poverty, mental illness, and drug addiction. It's mostly not the mafia, and it's not stuff cops and cages can fix.
Another thing to notice: The NYT does not regularly publish breathless stories about the "wave" of wage theft by corporations, which costs poor people orders of magnitude more money than all shoplifting from companies combined.
This captures one of the persistent biases in the NYT: it treats nearly every story on "crime" as a story about police and cages, and not structural violence, inequality, addiction, mental health, and the things that *evidence* shows are actually relevant.
A couple weeks ago, I explained in more detail some of the recent patterns of reporting on "crime" and police in the paper, and some of the conflicts of interest editors have permitted.
Then, last week, the NYT published another pro-police article filled with egregiously misleading reporting and material omissions.
It is my hope that a more full public discussion of these flaws, biases, and lack of evidence--and their connection to rising spending on cops/prisons and divestment from human beings--can lead to a more intellectually honest and rigorous media discourse.
For those asking me, I have reached out to the NYT reporter @gettinviggy (as I always do) to open a dialogue about how his article came to be and to articulate these and other criticisms more fully and in a constructive way.

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More from @equalityAlec

16 Oct
THREAD: In January, I argued a case before the California Supreme Court. The question was: is it illegal in the United States for a human being to be caged and separated from their family prior to trial solely because they lack cash, even though they are presumed innocent?
Think about how easy this legal question should be. It is easy for people like my grandmother--she got to listen to the oral argument online and immediately thought we won the case because she believes that it's wrong to put someone in a cage because they are poor.
And yet, wealth-based human caging is so normalized (and beneficial) for prosecutors, judges, and wealthy bureaucratic interests that our civilization is still pretending to argue about this issue in its highest courts as if it's a serious intellectual question.
Read 7 tweets
15 Oct
Thread. This story of rampant physical and sexual attacks against children inside Texas's prisons for children is not an isolated incident of "bad guards." This is what child cages look like in every state. We must draw a few lessons: nytimes.com/2021/10/15/us/…
First, this is what Texas's child prisons look like decades after so called "reform." When the purpose and function of a bureaucracy is control, domination, punishment, violence, discipline, submission, and crushing the human spirit, it cannot be "reformed."
Second, notice that almost none of the rampant "violent crimes" against children were recorded by Texas police and prosecutors and judges as "crimes." When "crime data" is reported to you, it systematically excludes crimes against people in cages.
Read 7 tweets
11 Oct
Thread: There are some important things missing from the media's welcome attention on the humanitarian catastrophe at Rikers. Here are a few more things you should know about it: nytimes.com/2021/10/11/nyr…
First, not once in this story about the deplorable conditions at Rikers are the words "judge" or "prosecutor" mentioned. But know this: the most proximate cause of this disaster are the illegal and inhumane money bail, probation, and punishment practices of local judges/DAs.
Second, people have been talking about horrific jail conditions in thousands of U.S. jails since jails were created. Look at Eugene Debs' fantastic memoir Walls and Bars, or read this fantastic interview with Michel Foucault in the NYT from 1975: archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.co…
Read 9 tweets
10 Oct
Thread. This morning, the NYT published another dangerous piece of copaganda, filled with misrepresentations and strategic omissions, all to confuse the public into normalizing and supporting record human caging budgets. nytimes.com/2021/10/10/us/…
First, the NYT conflates cops budgets and "public safety." Without an explanation or evidence, NYT says increase in cops shows mayors "prioritizing public safety." The opposite is true. How does NYT write this clause without noting that experts disagree?
A cardinal rule of police propaganda in the NYT is that it always subtly suggests--usually in unsupported clauses in the middle of sentences presented as so unarguable that they require no citation--that cops are connected to narrow, vague notions of "public safety."
Read 12 tweets
9 Oct
Thread: I was just invited to speak to students at Harvard about how to pursue social justice in the face of pressure to work for wealthy corporations. As I walked on campus, I passed the Arthur Sackler museum, and it got me thinking about how our society defines “crime.” ImageImage
Sackler built a fortune in part by pioneering new marketing techniques for exploiting drug monopolies and bribing doctors for prescribing his drugs. This was possible b/c U.S. criminal laws permit the rich to hoard even publicly funded patents that could save millions of lives.
We live in a society in which the wealthy have decided that it isn’t a “crime” to watch someone die by hoarding insulin medication developed with public investment but it is a “crime” to take a dose of insulin without paying for it.
Read 6 tweets
8 Oct
Thread. Here are a few helpful disclaimers for journalists to insert into their stories when talking about "crime data" or "crime rates" reported by the police, or when police ask them to report on a "crime wave":
"Property crime data excludes most property crime, including illegal seizures by police (which roughly equal all reported burglary), wage theft by employers (which is about 5x more than all reported property crime), and tax evasion (which is about 20x more than all wage theft)."
"Violent crime data reported by police excludes nearly all of the violent crimes committed by police and jail guards, which experts estimate to include several million physical and sexual assaults each year."
Read 7 tweets

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