You'd hope we might have learned by now that referendums on abstract principles, in which no one has to take responsibility for the consequences, and from which wildly different policies can all claim a mandate, are a really, really bad idea.
To deny a referendum is to be accused of elitism. But the problem isn't the public or its right to make decisions. It's about which democratic tools we use, to ensure politicians are judged on the laws & taxes they impose,not on abstract pledges divorced from the practice of govt
If the vote was lost, would any action on climate change be against "the will of the people"? If it won, would an MP who proposed a different way of doing it be a "saboteur"?How would we know whether it was a "full", "jobs first" or "red, white & blue" NetZero that had a mandate?
Unlike leaving the EU or Scottish independence, policies like carbon taxes or renewable subsidies are not difficult to reverse at a future general election (however harmful that might be). If democratic consent is the issue, the normal constitutional procedures are available.
The poll is a publicity stunt, by a group pitching itself against "a woke ... consensus" & "a remote elite". But it's a reminder that we need to think harder about how we use the referendum, if it's not to become a wrecking ball smashing around in the middle of the constitution.
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"Nations reel and stagger on their way; they make hideous mistakes; they commit frightful wrongs; they do great and beautiful things. And shall we not best guide humanity by telling the truth about all this, so far as the truth is ascertainable?"
W.E.B. Du Bois, (1935)
One of Du Bois' many strengths was that he understood *why* nations try to forget the more painful elements of their history. But the result was "that history loses its value as an incentive and example; it paints perfect men and noble nations, but it does not tell the truth".
In an age when new forms of oppression were taking root, romantic versions of history, that refused to look the horror of slavery in the face, actively encouraged people "to embrace and worship the color bar", while "helping to range mankind in ranks of mutual hatred & contempt".
Even if you accept this view of international relations, these tweets suggest an extraordinary contempt for democratic government at home. Let's take a couple of examples. [Thread]
"Nobody ... incl the PM thought there wd be a US deal".
But Johnson repeatedly told voters that Britain was "first in line" for "a fantastic trade deal". The 2019 manifesto promised a wave of deals "starting with the USA".
If Cummings is right, voters were misled.
"We intended to ditch bits we didn't like".
No one told British voters that. The 2019 manifesto insisted that "we have a great new deal that is ready to go", which would "get Brexit done", secure "friendly relations" with the EU and let the country "move on".
This thread highlights a key difference between the US & UK. The UK doesn't have a respectable political tradition, like "republicanism", that can be pitted against "democracy". So authoritarianism has to justify itself in democratic terms, as expressing "the will of the people".
When people talk about the end of "democracy" in Britain, what they usually mean is a shift from "liberal", "parliamentary" & "pluralist" democracy to an "authoritarian" & "executive" version, in which "the people" speak with a single voice & critics are "enemies of the people".
Authoritarianism in Britain invariably comes in democratic clothing: as defending "the will of the people" against "unelected judges", "Remainer Parliaments" "metropolitan elites" and other obstacles to an elected government, pursuing "the people's priorities".
It's often said that Britain relies on a "good chaps theory of government": that the British constitution only works if operated by "good chaps", who choose to obey the rules.
"Far from trusting politicians to be “good chaps,” British politics was once on a hair-trigger for bad or unconstitutional behaviour". As Lord Acton put it in 1887, “Great men are almost always bad men”. And the presumption of wrongdoing should “increase as the power increases”.
"The problem today is not that leaders have ceased to be “good chaps,” but that we no longer seem to care when they behave badly". We have lost our sense that "bad chaps" matter: and that it is our responsibility to police their conduct.
This article, on the repeal of the Fixed Term Parliaments Act, raises a question that needs more public discussion: who wields the historic powers of the Crown once the monarchy is no longer politically active? Should there be *any* limit on their use by a prime minister? THREAD
2. Some of the highest powers of the British state still technically belong to the Crown: from declaring war & making treaties to suspending Parliament. Those powers are now exercised "on the advice of the PM". But they do not *belong* to the PM, & might, in theory, be withheld.
3.For example: the 1950 "Lascelles Principles" set out three conditions under which a monarch might refuse to dissolve Parliament (a "Royal Prerogative" pre-2011). Others might include "when the Oppn is in the middle of a leadership contest" or "when electoral fraud is suspected"
"The politics of support have trumped the politics of power to such an extent that the Conservative Party has broken with almost everything it might once have seemed to be its function to defend". Richard Vinen on "The Conservative Nation" since 1974. onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.11…
Lots to think about in this essay. How did the "politics of support" go from being a vehicle for "the politics of power" to subsuming it altogether? A leadership class drawn from PR/the media, with very short careers & little prior experience of govt, must be important here.
Or is it inevitable in democracies - in which "power" depends on the organisation of electoral "support" - that the boundary between them will eventually collapse: that parties will stop thinking of campaigning as a means to power & start regarding govt as a tool for campaigning?