Some of us have been making the point @Bill_Esterson draws attention to for some time. See the HoL Internal Market Select Committee in April 2020 and my comments on it uksala.org/house-of-lords…
The Committee commented that “It is troubling that no one we heard from thought that the UK Government had a clear understanding of what state aid provisions it had signed up to in the Protocol”.
This was my evidence (and this is not controversial on the law).
Also worth noting what the Commission’s guidance says (my summary and links here). uksala.org/eu-commission-…
As it happens, I think that this is deeply unsatisfactory and - on this issue - see a lot of merit in the current government’s case that the Protocol (Art 10) should be amended. See eurelationslaw.com/blog/the-uks-p…
Unfortunately, the current government missed a boat on this when it failed to get the Art 10 issue looked at when it agreed detailed subsidy control provisions in the TCA.
And it has also buried this good point in a heap of bad points about the Protocol. Which is a shame.
It would certainly help clarity about, and accountability for, the current government’s position (and demonstrate to those of us that are sceptical that its own thinking is clear and realistic) if it published its draft revised Protocol - including its suggestions to replace A10.
Absolutely worth a watch by @BrigidLaffan. Pretty thorough refutation of the Frost account of how we got to the Protocol in his introduction to the Policy Exchange paper (blaming Whitehall and the Benn-Burt Act).
Frost asks the question why the May government - in the 2017 joint report - accepted that alignment with some EU rules would be needed to avoid checks and infrastructure on the Irish border.
There is an obvious answer to that question: that (the famous Trilemma) that the only ways of avoiding checks/infrastructure at the Irish border were (1)to align with EU customs/goods rules in NI, with checks/infrastructure over the Irish Sea or (2) UK alignment with those rules.
1. The key phrase in Castex’ letter wasn’t accurately translated by @alexwickham and nuance was lost. Nuance matters in diplomatic letters (see eg how the Franco Prussian war broke out).
2. The French government (which knows rather a lot about diplomacy and careful drafting) must have known that the phrase (even accurately translated) would wind up the current government and its outriders (and that an inaccurate translation was quite likely).
As today is Reformation Day (95 theses nailed to the door of Wittenberg church etc), a good day to recommend a fascinating set of @GreshamCollege lectures on the English Reformation by Alex Ryrie.
Link here to the one on the “Tudor Reformation” (how the Tudor State used the rupture to grab and centralise power*). gresham.ac.uk/lectures-and-e…
But also recommend (particularly) the ones on the Unwanted Reformation (how spectacularly unpopular it was), the Catholic Reformation (an intriguing road not taken), and the Anglican Reformation (not till 1660 at the earliest).
This is right and important. Though note that even if (which is unlikely) the EU agreed to rewrite the Protocol and to replace adjudication with the “not Swiss”* arbitration model, all disputes on the meaning of these obligations would end up in the ECJ. Just more slowly.