One question I’m getting a lot is how a Brainard Fed would be different from a Powell Fed on rate policy? We laid some of that out in this story today. I’ll elaborate in this thread.
The short answer: They've stated similar views on inflation and policy wsj.com/articles/biden…
But because policy could be nearing an inflection point and because no one at the Fed has had to deal with a problem like the current one, there’s perhaps less certainty about the Powell reaction function or the Brainard reaction function, and any differences therein.
(Note: This isn’t intended as a commentary on the political horserace, I.E., who's up or who's down, which doesn’t feel like it has changed all that much since the summer)
Powell brought Brainard into the policy-setting inner circle (or the “troika,” which consists of the vice chair and the NY Fed president) after the pandemic last year. Brainard had more crisis and Washington experience than anyone else on the board. wsj.com/articles/fed-t…
Brainard was also an early advocate for adopting many of the changes that Powell led his colleagues to adopt in the new policy framework announced in August 2020.
Brainard’s supporters (including Stiglitz) say she has proven herself to be intellectually brave by at times challenging the conventional thinking in macroeconomics and the Fed.
Last year, Brainard spoke approvingly of yield caps: a strategy to provide additional stimulus at the ELB by committing to buy Treasurys in amounts needed to peg certain yields at low levels. federalreserve.gov/newsevents/spe…
There wasn’t a lot of support for this and the Fed didn’t do it
At other junctures, Brainard signaled greater vigilance against upside inflation risks. In September 2018, as the unemployment rate fell below 4% and Trump's deficits provided stimulus, Brainard said the Fed might need to raise interest rates for another year or two.
Brainard was arguably hawkish and more focused on upside risks—see this part about the prospect of raising rates on a *not* gradual path. She spent a good part of that speech explaining why the flattening of the yield curve may not provide much signal federalreserve.gov/newsevents/spe…
That's all in the past. What about the present?
Brainard’s most recent speech (on Sept. 27) seemed more concerned with overreacting to high inflation. federalreserve.gov/newsevents/spe…
See this section:
Brainard spent the bulk of those remarks providing detail around a view that would explain why labor markets may not be as tight as openings imply.
She pushed back against those who have argued that labor supply may have been permanently scarred. wsj.com/articles/fed-o…
Brainard also provided her inflation dashboard in speeches in July and September. (July speech is on the left, September on the right)
Stiglitz, for whom Brainard worked when he chaired the CEA, told me he thought Brainard's background would make her more patient than Powell on inflation.
“Idle labor is a big loss, and the evidence of significant losses from moderate inflation just aren’t there."
Others are less sure about such predictions or comparisons
The chair often speaks on behalf of the broader rate-setting committee and may have to balance his or her personal views with the broad center of the committee. Yellen was notably more dovish as vice chair than as chair
Either way, most analysts expect policy continuity w/Powell if Brainard is chair, just as Powell represented continuity w/Yellen.
This explains why other issues (digital currencies, climate, and regulation) where there are more notable differences, have received more attention.
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Powell is really underscoring the uncertainty associated with policymaking today. "We have to be humble about what we know about this economy." We thought the economy was heading to one destination until Delta came along.
Powell: We thought schools reopening and elapsing unemployment benefits would boost labor supply. That wasn't the case.
The learning for those of us who lived through the last cycle, over time, maximum employment can be somewhere different than anticipated.
Powell: It is very possible that the Fed has already met its inflation test for liftoff. The inflation language in the forward guidance might be a little stale.
This week’s Fed meeting—and Powell’s press conference on Wednesday—is a higher stakes event than seemed likely a few weeks ago after markets reacted to potentially hawkish shifts by central banks in Canada, the U.K., and Australia wsj.com/articles/centr…
The Reserve Bank of Australia stunned investors when it declined last week to defend the 0.1% target on bond yields that mature in Apr ‘24, fueling expectations that it will scrap yield curve control at Tuesday’s meeting. “If so, this is a startling about-face,” said one analyst
The Bank of Canada surprised markets last week when it ended its government-bond-purchase program and moved up the time frame for when it might first raise its benchmark interest rate from its current near-zero level.
Jay Powell reaffirmed the Fed’s emerging plan to start scaling back its stimulus policies this year, and in considerable detail, he elaborated on his expectations for receding inflation and the mistakes of overreacting to a temporary price surge wsj.com/articles/powel…
Here's the chart that's worth quite a few words from Jay Powell's speech
Powell's inflation dashboard
1) Higher prices aren't broad based 2) Surge-price categories are moderating 3) Wages don't suggest "excessive inflation" 4) Long-term expectations have only increased a little 5) Little reason to see global disinflationary forces reversing overnight
A compromise preserves the Fed and the Treasury’s existing authority to start crisis-lending programs but prevents them from creating a copycat or “clone,” says Toomey, of two business loan programs or a muni market backstop wsj.com/articles/congr…
The exact wording of the statute will be important, of course, in determining what this means going forward.
But a potentially bigger issue is that Republicans have signaled there will be a political fight for any active use of this new dimension of Fed credit policy
Consider: if there’s broad political support for a lending program, there’s less risk of second-guessing when loans default, especially for something with more credit risk
Political risk to the Fed grows as it entertains riskier lending w/out broad political support
Toomey told reporters he was motivated to secure legislative language that would bar the Fed from reviving the corporate credit, municipal liquidity and Main Street lending programs because he feared Democrats would push to subsidize credit more generously if allowed to do so.
The whole fight over the last 24 hours came down to the actual technical language to achieve this goal. Toomey conceded his first pass at the language late last week might have been "too broad" by limiting activities that he didn't intend to constrain.
The compromise is designed to ensure the Biden administration and the Powell Fed cannot restart the programs "by creating a clone and calling it something different" without congressional authorization. "These programs were never intended to hang around indefinitely."