Look at @California_HCD's Housing Accountability Unit, starting strong!
So much to like in the letter they just sent to San Francisco about the apparent CEQA-laundered denial of 469 Stevenson St. project. 1/14
As I've explained previously, the Board might be thought to have evaded the Housing Accountability Act by relying on CEQA to stall project indefinitely (rather than deny it outright). 2/
But the HAA defines "disapproval" broadly to include an adverse "vote" on any "approval" or "entitlement" that's needed before shovels hit the dirt. A vote overturning a legally sufficient EIR is plausibly "disapproval" w/in meaning of HAA. 3/
The HAU's letter nails this, calling the vote an "effective denial" and pointing to the HAA's board definition of disapproval. 4/
Letter then cites @ONeillMoiraK et al. study showing that SF is a serious outlier w/r/t project entitlement timeframes & says city must address this in next housing element -- including by documenting how city will comply w/timeframes under state law. 5/ papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
Rubbing city's face in it, letter also quotes loosy-goosey noncommitments made in SF's 5th cycle HE to streamline permitting. Implication is that more of same won't cut it for the 6th. 6/
Finally, letter notes that the other recent high-profile denial in SF (450-474 O'Farrell) may have violated the "5 Hearing Rule" of SB 330. I've been skeptical that this provision of SB 330 would make a difference, since bill didn't provide a remedy for violations. 7/
But if cities think that @California_HCD is on the hunt for 5-hearing violations, they may get in line -- if only to avoid greater scrutiny of their housing element or investigation of their project-approval process. 8/
HCD is asking SF to provide written findings explaining decisions w/in 30 days. That's reasonable.
My only quibble is that letter should have stated that those findings may only ***elaborate on what was said at the hearing & reference evidence in record at hearing.*** 9/
If city tries to clean up its probably-unlawful votes with a statement of reasons that relies on new theories and evidence, that's a post-hoc rationalization, which is an administrative law no-no. 10/
The admin law norm against post-hoc rationalizations is admittedly weird in most contexts, since standard judicial remedy for admin-law violation is remand for a do-over -- which is an invitation for a post-hoc rationalization. 11/
But the norm makes a ton of sense in context of HAA, which authorizes court ***to order the project approved,*** not just remand for a do-over. 12/
Much more coming soon! @TDuncheon & I will be blogging next week about the CEQA-HAA conflict at sloglaw.org. Stay tuned. @SlogLawBlog /13
Major decision from Court of Appeal interpreting California's Housing Accountability Act. Read @carla_org's thread below for highlights, or continue with this one if you want the legal nitty gritty. /1
Context: California is one of two states that nominally prevent local govts from rejecting or downsizing housing development projects on the basis of "subjective" standards. (The other is Oregon.) /2
This limitation has been on the books in CA since 1999, but there was no caselaw applying it, perhaps b/c developers feared that if they sued a city, the city would screw them on their next project. /3
A thread on Jennifer Hernandez's latest impassioned screed against CA climate policy and the racially disparate burdens of its effect on energy & housing costs. (Preview: she makes a few great points, goes off rails on others.) 1/14
1) Since climate change results from *global* emissions, its dumb for CA climate policy to prioritize emission reductions *within the state.*
We should focus instead on developing low-cost, low-GHG tech & living patterns for replication beyond our borders. 2/n
2) CA's "affordable housing policy" of subsidizing a handful of very-high-cost multifamily buildings and allocating units by lottery deserves the scare quotes.
A serious affordable housing policy would take construction costs seriously. 3/n
As I've explained many times before, cities' assessment of capacity traditionally assumed that every site with near-term development potential *will* be developed during planning period: P(dev) = 1. This assumption is patently false. 2/n
I and co-authors argued in this paper that recent changes to state law empower @California_HCD to require cities to discount site capacity by a rough estimate of the site's likelihood of development during planning period. 3/n
There's now no sense that any Republican on the Court can trust, compromise with, or even respect a Democratic justice in voting rights cases, or vice versa. 2/9
Kagan calls Alito's opinion for the Court lawless. 3/9
@California_HCD has finalized its emergency "Prohousing Designation Regulation" and is now accepting applications. All the goods are here: hcd.ca.gov/community-deve…
1/n
Little changed between the draft and final regs. Here's my breakdown of the draft regs. 2/n
Under state APA procedure for emergency regs, HCD must accept comment for another 45 days, then has 1 year to promulgate the final, non-emergency version of the regs. 3/n
Supreme Court per Roberts held that California farm-labor law, which gives union organizers a right of access to private farms, effects an unconstitutional taking of farmer's property right to exclude others. 2/n
Answering the parade of horribles--doesn't his theory invalidate all manner of health / safety inspection laws & antidiscrimination laws, unless gov't pays compensation for infringing "right to exclude"--Roberts intimates that those are different b/c owner consents. 3/n