Supreme Court per Roberts held that California farm-labor law, which gives union organizers a right of access to private farms, effects an unconstitutional taking of farmer's property right to exclude others. 2/n
Answering the parade of horribles--doesn't his theory invalidate all manner of health / safety inspection laws & antidiscrimination laws, unless gov't pays compensation for infringing "right to exclude"--Roberts intimates that those are different b/c owner consents. 3/n
The shopping mall owner has no cause to complain about civil rights or even "right to leaflet" laws, b/c owner has voluntarily opened the mall to the public, in effect consenting to the state's limitation on exclusion. 4/n
The factory operator has no cause to complain about ordinary health / safety inspections, or even requirement that they disclose trade secrets (Ruckelshaus v. Monsanto), b/c they voluntarily applied for permit to engage in risky business. 5/n
Yet lest California try to outfox court w/ new "farming-by-permit" regime (w/ condition of permit being right of access for organizers), Roberts says state may not condition "basic and familiar uses of property" on waiver of right to exclude. 6/n
He grounds this proposition on his own opinion in Horne v. USDA (2015), which held that regulation requiring raisin growers to give portion of crop to gov't board as condition to sell rest of crop in interstate commerce was a taking, b/c involuntary. 7/n
His voluntary / involuntary distinction needs a theory of entitlements to be operationalized, and this is where Roberts seems to channel Ellickson. 8/n
Back in 1970s, Ellickson wrote that when gov't regulates "subnormal" land uses, courts should find taking only if regulation is grossly inefficient, whereas when gov't requires supranormal land use, courts should ordinarily make govt pay compensation or remove regulation. 9/n
The same idea lies at root of Horne / Cedar Point distinctions between "license to sell dangerous chemicals" (subnormal use of property) and farming, selling fruit in interstate commerce, or expanding one's home (normal uses). 10/n
The main difference between Roberts and Ellickson is that Ellickson's theory would govern all restrictions on *owner's use* of property, whereas Roberts's is only about restrictions that require owners to *allow someone else to use* their property. 11/n
So what follows for urban land use? Answers will depend on how Roberts's "common law of normal use" develops. All we can say for sure is use w/unions will be disfavored. But, squinting a bit, I think... 12/n
1) Courts will say rent control laws must allow owner move-in evictions, and withdrawal of units from market, on theory that owner occupancy & right to discontinue rental use is "basic and familiar," & an unwanted tenant "invades" right to exclude. 13/n
(if so, Ellis Act reform in CA is a lost cause) 14/n
2) Courts may strike down IZ ordinances that apply broadly to all or most multifamily projects--but this is less clear since who knows if "right to exclude" also encompasses a "right to include" chosen tenants? (Also, is multifamily housing development a normal use?) 15/n
3) On flipside, state density bonus, state laws like SB 35 that create ministerial permitting path, & even my proposal for state-approved auctions of development rights, may be safer in Roberts-Ellickson world than one might think per Nollan / Dolan. 16/n
Why? Such laws place conditions on permits (requiring affordable units, union labor, purchase of dev. allowances) that bear a tenuous relationship, if any, to "risk[s] posed to the public" by the housing project. So they're potentially vulnerable under Nollan / Dolan. 17/n
But if state's intervention just creates an option for landowners to develop in manner that wouldn't otherwise be allowed under municipal law, it's easy to characterize landowner's election of the option (consent to conditions) as a "voluntary exchange" per Horne. 18/n
Same goes for community benefit agreements, if tied to a rezoning that allows more intensive development than is normal, i.e., "basic and familiar." 19/n
So maybe we end up in world where Nollan / Dolan test splits and becomes something like rational basis for conditions on special gov't benefits (e.g., permit for high-density development), vs. strict scrutiny for conditions on permits for "basic and familiar" uses. 20/n
The hard case would then be the one that should be easiest: civil rights law. The owner who puts property to "basic and familiar" use as a shop or rental housing forfeits so-called "right" to exclude on basis of race, sex, etc. Is this a taking? 21/n
Cedar Point signals that civil rights law is safe, but doesn't say why. Answer must be that some normal restrictions on right to exclude don't count as takings even though they weren't recognized by common law courts long ago. 22/end
The regs establish criteria for cities to receive a "prohousing" designation. Cities that earn the designation get bonus points for other grants. /2
(And if AB 215 passes, cities that are poor performers over 1st half of planning cycle will lose their housing element certification unless they apply for & receive the "prohousing" designation.) /3
Today, San Diego city council voted unanimously to adopt totally inadequate housing element amendments, "complying on paper," belatedly, w/@California_HCD's demands. @andy_keatts reports.
HCD has the next move. This thread explains their options. 1/10
3) Fudge it (commend city for progress, ask for further analysis, and meanwhile leave SD on list of "conditionally compliant" cities). 2/10
The legal case for HCD to find San Diego noncompliant is strong. The city's "finding" that the nonvacant sites it put forth are likely to be redeveloped is a joke, totally lacking in evidentiary support, 3/10
Last week, @California_HCD dropped long-awaited guidance about cities' duty to Affirmatively Further Fair Housing under state law. And a companion data tool.
Background: federal law since 1980s has required cities (as condition of CDBG funding) to make and implement desegregation plans. The plans were a joke. 2/24
This (⬇️)strategy of "complying" with CA's housing law via economically prohibitive inclusionary zoning is sure to become very popular unless @GavinNewsom & @California_HCD put the kibosh on it soon.
Fortunately, they (probably) have authority to stop it. Read on.
The strategy will be popular b/c it allows city to comply on paper w/ multifamily zoning requirements while propitiating wealthy homeowners who don't want new apts built and nonprofits that want to buy sites w/o competition from for-profit developers.
2/
(For wealthy homeowners, apartment development by nonprofits isn't very threatening b/c lack of funds will keep nonprofits from developing more than a handful of sites.)
3/
A serious question for @DeanPreston and others: How can city do value-capture rezoning while also ensuring that the required public benefits (fees, IZ, etc.) don't drive redevelopment value of sites below value of existing uses? 1/5
What makes this such a tough nut to crack is that the value of existing uses varies a lot across sites in older cities, and market conditions (prices & rents, construction costs) are in flux. 2/5
Here are three possible solutions:
(A) Replace exactions, impact fees, and IZ with a land-value tax. Great in theory, but foreclosed in California by Prop. 13. 3/5
Adding to this ⬇️ thread about @hknightsf's great new column, here's one more point about how the pending "housing element" update, required by state law, is going to blow up San Francisco land use... /1
Under new state law (AB 1397), SF cannot "recycle" sites its previous housing element deemed suitable for affordable housing, unless they're rezoned for *by right* development of 20% low-income projects. /2
Yet SF's city charter disallows by-right development, period. So SF must either get a court to find its charter preempted by state law, or else rezone a huge swath of city's SFH neighborhoods for multifamily development at density of 30+ dwelling units / acre. /3