There is a bunch of new research out there on the effects of body-worn cameras (BWCs) worn by police officers. Short thread summarizing four new papers 👇
Experimental evidence using precinct-level random assignment that BWCs reduced citizen complaints and increased the reporting of stops by NYC police officers by Anthony Braga, John MacDonald and James McCabe: onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.111…
Evidence from the same experiment with the NYPD that BWCs do not improve satisfaction with police officers, based on a survey of people who have had contact with the police. Paper by Anthony Braga, John MacDonald and @lmbar16: link.springer.com/article/10.100…
Using a survey experiment, @btregle, @jnixy and @JustinTPickett find that 1) police executives don't support laws that mandate the sharing of BWC footage w/ the public & 2) suspect race and armed status shaped executives' expectations of media coverage. tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10…
Research by @KathrynBollman finds that BWCs ▶️ 10% reduction in new case filings for offenses initiated during a police interaction but finds no effects on case disposition, sentencing or racial disparities. github.com/katiebollman/W…
What happened when the Chicago created a program to divert drug arrestees to treatment? New research by Ashna Arora & @PankaBencsik finds that more people got treatment and public safety improved. drive.google.com/file/d/1QSxrv7… 👇
When asked how social planners should address the opioid crisis and addiction more generally, many people will evangelize the benefits of treatment. But how do you get the most inframarginal people into treatment? It's a challenge.
For better or worse, this is a population that often finds itself ensnared in the criminal justice system. Can the CJ system be a conduit to get more people into treatment and can these efforts ultimately improve public safety? Ashna & Panka find that Chicago was able to do so.
Here is a thread in which I try to summarize what we know thus far about the cause of the recent rise in gun violence in the U.S. In my view, we can rule out some stories but the picture is not very clear and, as far as I'm concerned, many theories remain in play. 👇
1. The U.S. homicide rate began to tick up slowly in 2015, especially in some cities (e.g., Philadelphia and Chicago). So, for a number of cities, the homicide increase represents a speeding up of a pre-existing trend. Explore the data here: jacobdkaplan.com/crime.html#sta…
2. Via @ZaidJilani, this extraordinary rise in homicide is fairly unique to the U.S. We don't see the same thing in Canada or Mexico or even El Salvador. This is inconsistent with general explanations like economic hardship and pandemic-induced stress. inquiremore.com/p/stop-blaming…
How many complaints against police officers can be abated by terminating a few bad apples? Jacob Kaplan and I consider this question in a new paper that is now published in @CPPJournal. We believe the answer is likely to be "not a lot." onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/17…
Thread 👇
You've probably heard that a very small number of officers are responsible for a very large share of misconduct or citizen complaints. Estimates vary quite a bit but I've seen estimates like 2% of officers account for half of all use of force complaints.
The naive conclusion from calculations like this is that if only we could identify who these bad apple officers are, we could make a considerable dent in addressing police misconduct by terminating (or re-assigning) them.
We find that, in most cities, more police manpower leads to reductions in homicide, with every 10-17 officers hired abating one homicide. In per capita terms, the effects are twice as large for Black versus white victims.
We also consider the extent to which investments in police manpower expand civilian interactions with the criminal justice system, or create "net widening" effects, focusing on differences by race in the burdens and benefits of enforcement activity.
Do police make late shift arrests in order to take advantage of overtime pay? This story is a mainstay of public criticism of law enforcement and reflects broader concerns about the distortionary effects of financial incentives in the US criminal justice system. But is it true?
At first blush, it might make sense that officers would want to make arrests at the end of the workday -- overtime pay is fixed 150% of an officer's base pay. As such the "price" of late shift arrests is higher. However, officers also face a labor-leisure tradeoff.
Exploiting the staggered timing of shift assignments
throughout the day in Dallas, TX, we find that officers, in fact, *reduce* their arrests (by 28%) at the end of their work shift. This result isn't an artifact of being routed to fewer service calls late in the shift.
1/ Those of us who have studied the relationship between the size of a city's police force and crime including @emilyweisburst, @mellosteve2 and @ProfEmilyOwens among others are finding our work in the spotlight of late. Here is a tweet which I hope will be useful in sorting
2/ out what we know as well as what we don't know about the effect of police on crime. Views are my own but I am trying my best to summarize what we know absent a political agenda.1) Over the last few decades, when U.S. cities have increased the size of their police force,
3/ crime has declined. The effects are what I'd call modest: A 10% increase in police force size has led to something like a 3-10% decline in crime, depending on the estimate. This includes serious crimes like murder and robbery. 2) But there's more.... when police