"Vesting" updated on @SSRN:
"Vested" in UVA Founding Era Collection, 1776-1789:
My database of over 1000 uses.
Bottom line: The use of "all" in Art I & its absence in Art II both may be significant, in favor of non-delegation but against unitary executive. papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
Thanksgiving is a good time to thank my excellent research assistants Michael Albalah, Anne Brodsky, Xinni Cai, Chloe Rigogne, Emily Rubino, Colin Shea, and Tatum Sornborger.
Thank you!
It is odd that some conservative Justices make a big deal of the "all" in Art. I:
“All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress."
But though "all" is missing from Art. II, they just add it like no big deal.
Compare Justice Thomas in Whitman (2001):
5/ vs. Scalia in Morrison dissent... & the unitary executive theorists after him.
“The executive Power shall be vested in a President."
The "all" is missing, but he adds it anyway.
My research suggests that the use and non-use of vesting "all" had legal meaning circa 1776-89.
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New short paper:
Countering Gerrymandered Courts: Comment on Miriam Seifter’s "Countermajoritarian Legislatures"
(forthcoming Columbia L.Rev.Online) @MiriamSeifter's article is increasingly crucial on election law & extreme gerrymandering. papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
@MiriamSeifter rightly calls out mistaken assumptions that state legislatures are the democratic branch vs. governors and courts, in an era of extreme gerrymandering vs. state-wide elections.
But the past & future of state judicial elections are also districting & gerrymandering.
3/ As my book The People's Courts showed, state judicial elections emerged in the mid-19th c. with local districts, including state supreme court districts often designed to benefit rural areas or benefit one party.
Many state courts today have the same problem & could get worse.
I'm looking forward to discussing David Driesen's outstanding new book w/ @jennmascott & @narosenblum tomorrow! @dmdriesen's subtitle: "Judicial Enabling of Presidential Power."
My comment: "The Bipartisan Enabling and En-Fabling of Presidential Power"
Michael McConnell and I are excited to announce this conference:
“Histories of Presidential Power”
Constitutional Law Center
@StanfordLaw
Across the ideological and methodological spectrum.
May 20-21: law.stanford.edu/event/spring-c…
Description and list of panels in this post.
Panel 1: How the Presidency Emerged from Colonial, English & Founding Eras @andrewkent33 (Fordham), Michael McConnell (Stanford), @jdmortenson (Michigan), Eric Nelson (Harvard), Maeve Glass (Columbia) shugerblogcom.wordpress.com/2021/11/03/his…
Panel 2: The First Congress & Executive Power: @adityabamzai (UVA), @lmchervinsky (GW, SMU, author The Cabinet: George Washington & the Creation of an American Institution), Mike Ramsey (San Diego), @ilan_wurman (Arizona St), @TheGNapp (Stanford)
Context: I am re-reading Roberts Court decisions to understand how originalists/formalists keep repeating the same historical errors.
By relying on precedent and not actual historical materials, they literally repeat the same errors.
2/ The opening page of Roberts's "historical analysis" in Seila.
1 quote from Madison (who was spinning his own legislative strategy)
1 quote from President Washington in favor of presidential power (surprise.)
Otherwise, 6 citations to Free Enterprise, Bowsher, Hennen & Myers.
3/ Here's the next page of historical evidence about 1787-89:
The 1st paragraph is all from Myers (1926)
The 2d paragraph is Roberts quoting himself in Free Enterprise (2010).
Zero original sources for an originalist argument.
I find it more jarring than ever to read SCOTUS opinions that rely on patently false historical claims, citing precedents instead of actual historical sources to support those false claims...
While we know that in 8 months, SCOTUS will tell us that precedents don't matter.
Yes, this is a subtweet of Chief Justice John Roberts.
And now, @LeahLitman, I can't get the image of Justice Cartman-lito "Respect my Authoritahhh" out of my head.