Very sorry to see that the “pre-conferenced” version of the NDAA, hashed out by leadership in the House and Senate, doesn’t include critical reforms to domestic military deployment authorities that were part of the House-passed bill. 1/12 rules.house.gov/sites/democrat…
To begin, the new version—which will likely become law without further amendment—dropped the provision that would have transferred command and control of the DC National Guard from the president to D.C.’s mayor. 2/12
As my colleague @josephanunn and I have pointed out, this provision would have closed a dangerous loophole in the Posse Comitatus Act that allows presidents to use the DCNG as a domestic military police force. 3/12 slate.com/news-and-polit…
The pre-conferenced version also dropped a provision that would have prohibited governors from deploying their National Guards, when acting in non-federal status, into other jurisdictions without those jurisdictions’ consent. 4/12
Of course, when the president federalizes Guard forces, they can be sent wherever they are needed; but a governor does not have authority to effectively mount an armed invasion of another state or jurisdiction. 5/12
That’s probably an inherent constitutional limitation, but Trump’s Department of Justice took a different view, creating legal uncertainty that Congress should have nipped in the bud. 6/12 lawfareblog.com/why-were-out-s…
The House had also passed a provision prohibiting private funding of interstate Guard deployments, responding to Gov. Noem’s deployment of South Dakota Guard forces to the southern border on a mission funded by a billionaire Republican donor. 7/12
Under the pre-conferenced version, this prohibition would not apply when the Guard acts in State Active Duty status—the very status in which the prohibition is actually needed. The exception means that Gov. Noem could repeat her antics, and others could follow her example. 8/12
Finally, the pre-conferenced version omits a House provision that would have put teeth into the Posse Comitatus Act by directing courts to suppress any evidence collected by the military in violation of the Act. 9/12
This letter from more than 20 ideologically diverse organizations provides more information about these provisions, and why they are critical to preventing presidential abuses of military power and politicization of the National Guard: 10/12 brennancenter.org/our-work/resea…
We’re disappointed by these omissions, but we’re not done fighting. Reform of domestic deployment authorities is a crucial aspect of shoring up democracy’s safeguards, and lawmakers are increasingly recognizing its importance. 11/12
The House just passed the most significant set of checks and balances to guard against presidential abuse of power in a generation. The #ProtectingOurDemocracy Act implements safeguards that are critical to shoring up our democracy. 1/12
My colleague @Martha_Kinsella has outlined some of #PODA’s key provisions, e.g. codification of the Emoluments Clauses, measures to prevent improper communications between the White House & DOJ, and transparency requirements for presidential pardons. 2/12 brennancenter.org/our-work/analy…
I want to highlight one additional provision that I consider particularly important: reform of the National Emergencies Act (NEA), the law Trump abused to evade Congress and secure funding for his border wall. 3/12
In yesterday’s markup of the National Defense Authorization Act, the House Armed Services Committee voted for three reforms that would help to prevent some of the improper uses of National Guard forces we’ve seen in the past year and a half. 1/14
First, the committee rejected an amendment that would have stripped @EleanorNorton’s D.C. National Guard Home Rule Act from the NDAA. That legislation, championed on the committee by @RepAnthonyBrown, transfers command of the D.C. Guard from the president to D.C.’s mayor. 2/14
As my colleague @josephanunn and I have explained, that’s a long overdue reform. Presidential command of the D.C. National Guard is a relic from an era before D.C. had any local government. 3/14 justsecurity.org/74098/why-d-c-…
Today, @BrennanCenter is launching “9/11 at 20”—a series of ten essays offering a high-level critique of national security policies over the past two decades and a vision for our country’s approach to national security in the future. 1/5 brennancenter.org/9-11-at-20
The essays address a range of issues, from racial profiling to secret wars to the future of the Department of Homeland Security. The authors include past and present members of Congress, former senior executive branch officials, legal scholars, and Brennan Center experts. 2/5
The first two essays, posted today, include a call from former senator and current @ACSlaw president @RussFeingold for Congress to reclaim its role as an equal branch of government in national security policy… 3/5 brennancenter.org/our-work/analy…
The bill has three parts. The first part would inject life back into the War Powers Resolution, a 1973 law that was meant to constrain presidential warmaking but has utterly failed to do so. 2/18
The WPR required presidents to notify Congress when U.S. military forces are engaged (or will likely become engaged) in “hostilities.” It mandated an end to such hostilities within 60 days if Congress did not authorize them. 3/18
Anyone who is concerned about government surveillance practices should stop whatever they’re doing and read this statement by Travis LeBlanc, a member of the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (@PCLOB_GOV). 1/19 washingtonpost.com/context/statem…
His statement, released with redactions after the gov’t performed a declassification review, is a devastating takedown of the PCLOB's classified 2020 report on “XKEYSCORE,” a tool the NSA uses to process communications obtained without a warrant under Executive Order 12333. 2/19
The NSA doesn’t need a warrant to conduct surveillance under EO 12333 because the data is collected overseas and Americans can't be targeted. But no one denies that EO 12333 surveillance “incidentally” sweeps up Americans’ communications and data, likely in massive amounts. 3/19
Another day, another FISA Court opinion approving a program that sweeps up millions of Americans’ communications, despite finding that the FBI has failed to comply with the rules meant to protect Americans’ privacy. 1/25 intel.gov/assets/documen…
To refresh your recollection, here’s my Tweet thread on the last FISC opinion (issued Dec. 2019) approving Section 702 surveillance in the face of widespread violations of privacy rules by the FBI and NSA:
Basically, the 2019 opinion chided the government for its violations, but the court approved the surveillance on the condition that the government implement new training and record-keeping requirements…3/25