San Francisco has posted its doozy of a draft response to warning letter from @GavinNewsom's new housing accountability team.
(Is city's mission to bridge the partisan divide by proving itself a laughingstock to @nytimes & Fox News alike?) 1/n
Context: state called out Board of Supes for voting down two large infill housing projects (800+ homes), in apparent violation of state's Housing Accountability Act. 2/n drive.google.com/file/d/12XIn5y…
State then asked city to provide "written findings" explaining city's "reasoning and evidence," in light of state law. 3/n
The city's response is a pair of draft resolutions, which supes will vote on next Tuesday. The resolutions affirm the supes' previous votes w/o even acknowledging the HAA or the state's letter. 4/n
Regarding the O'Farrell St. project, the resolution justifies denial on ground that units would be small, w/minimal kitchens--& thus not in interest of "the neighborhood." But HAA allows denial of zoning-compliant projects only on basis *objective*... 5/n
health or safety standards, and city resolution identifies no such standard requiring larger units or fuller kitchens.
And let's not lose sight of big picture... 6/n
As cities across California are licensing tent encampments, providing sheds as shelters, & wracking all available brains to find tolerable housing options between tent-on-sidewalk and a $750k "affordable" unit, SF is... 7/n
denying this microunit project b/c "families are overcrowded."
Might it be that families are overcrowded b/c they're outbid for family-sized homes by groups of young tech workers who share a lease? Workers who'd happily rent a berth in an O'Farrell St "tech dorm"? 8/n
Alternative grounds for denial: city says residents of this car-free project might use Uber when they're not walking or taking transit, causing congestion, pollution, and "increased pedestrian/vehicle collisions." 9/n
Oh, and best of all, city says there is a "glut" of small housing units in the Tenderloin and along Market Street. 10/n
Yes: at moment when CA is spending $22B for homeless & low-income housing, when SF has ~8000 homeless on streets, & when SF is *buying up other microunit projects to use as shelters*, city wants to deny this one b/c of "glut" of small dwelling units. 11/n
What about the other project, 469 Stevenson? Here SF is doing its damnedest to provide every other city in the state w/ a roadmap for using enviro review (CEQA) to kill housing projects that state law (HAA) protects. 12/n
The draft resolution justifies reversal of Stevenson St. EIR on ground that the initial scoping document improperly determined that foundation safety, gentrification, & nearby historic resources were not potentially "significant" enviro impacts. 13/n
As @TDuncheon & I explain in a series of @SlogLawBlog posts and now a law review paper, this raises a host of thorny legal questions, including bad faith, enforceability of CEQA deadlines (SF decision is overdue), & CEQA baselines / causation. 14/n
Even if one (wrongly) accepts a conventional CEQA baseline for gauging impact of an HAA-protected project, the supes are pushing a radical expansion of CEQA, against statutory text & precedent. 15/n
First, historic resources. Project site is *parking lot* next to historic districts w/mix of uses. Per McCorkle v. City of St. Helena, aesthetic congruence w/ nearby historic buildings don't count as enviro impacts under CEQA. 16/n
As the McCorkle court said (presaging the 469 Stevenson debacle): "To rule otherwise would mean that an EIR would be required for every urban building project ... if enough people could be marshaled to complain about how it will look." 17/n
Second, gentrification. "Unsubstantiated fears about potential economic effects resulting from a proposed project are not environmental impacts that may be considered under CEQA." So said Court of Appeal in Porterville Citizens v. Porterville (2007). 18/n casetext.com/case/portervil…
CEQA is concerned w/ "physical environment," not social impacts. Supes' resolution asserts that gentrification may impact phys. env't, but it doesn't (1) specify any such physical impact, or (2) provide evidence beyond "unsubstantiated fears." 19/n
Lastly, we have supes' demand for analysis of alternative foundations, which EIR excluded on ground that foundation safety is covered by building code. This runs against CA Supreme Court holding that seismic risk to project isn't a CEQA impact. 20/n
And, if sustained, it might well crush the business model of development in San Francisco, where one set of firms specialize in entitlement and another in construction. 22/n
SF's insane entitlement process (way worse than any other city studied by @ONeillMoiraK) would become even costlier under supes' logic, since all engineering work would have to be done before proponent learns whether city will even accept project's size & appearance. 23/n
Hey all you CEQA lawyers out there: Is long-game of Eberling's seismic-safety argument an effort to blow up CEQA-Guidelines presumption that building permits are ministerial and thus exempt from CEQA review? /1
I know the presumption's rebuttable, but it's my understanding that SF (and probably most other cities) has treated building-safety issues covered by codes as "ministerial enough" to be excluded from CEQA analysis. /2
If Eberling challenges this practice and wins, it's going to be a nightmare for housing development. Projects would have to go through CEQA review (& appeals, & litigation) twice over: first for entitlement, and again for building permits. /3
I missed this earlier doubling down by Elberling & Co on 469 Stevenson. It's even more balls-out than the 48hills piece I tweeted about this morning. Not even a mention of "CEQA" or "environment" or "safety," the pretextual grounds for denial. 1/
Instead, it's basically a dare to @California_HCD & @AGRobBonta: Will you really crack down on SF if we spout the right words about affordability & gentrification while blocking the new housing we dislike? 2/
He also trades on one of the original sins of California's RHNA / planning-for-housing framework: the state's failure to give cities "partial credit" for indirect effect of new market rate housing on the regionwide availability of relatively affordable homes. 3/
Look at @California_HCD's Housing Accountability Unit, starting strong!
So much to like in the letter they just sent to San Francisco about the apparent CEQA-laundered denial of 469 Stevenson St. project. 1/14
As I've explained previously, the Board might be thought to have evaded the Housing Accountability Act by relying on CEQA to stall project indefinitely (rather than deny it outright). 2/
But the HAA defines "disapproval" broadly to include an adverse "vote" on any "approval" or "entitlement" that's needed before shovels hit the dirt. A vote overturning a legally sufficient EIR is plausibly "disapproval" w/in meaning of HAA. 3/
Major decision from Court of Appeal interpreting California's Housing Accountability Act. Read @carla_org's thread below for highlights, or continue with this one if you want the legal nitty gritty. /1
Context: California is one of two states that nominally prevent local govts from rejecting or downsizing housing development projects on the basis of "subjective" standards. (The other is Oregon.) /2
This limitation has been on the books in CA since 1999, but there was no caselaw applying it, perhaps b/c developers feared that if they sued a city, the city would screw them on their next project. /3
A thread on Jennifer Hernandez's latest impassioned screed against CA climate policy and the racially disparate burdens of its effect on energy & housing costs. (Preview: she makes a few great points, goes off rails on others.) 1/14
1) Since climate change results from *global* emissions, its dumb for CA climate policy to prioritize emission reductions *within the state.*
We should focus instead on developing low-cost, low-GHG tech & living patterns for replication beyond our borders. 2/n
2) CA's "affordable housing policy" of subsidizing a handful of very-high-cost multifamily buildings and allocating units by lottery deserves the scare quotes.
A serious affordable housing policy would take construction costs seriously. 3/n
As I've explained many times before, cities' assessment of capacity traditionally assumed that every site with near-term development potential *will* be developed during planning period: P(dev) = 1. This assumption is patently false. 2/n
I and co-authors argued in this paper that recent changes to state law empower @California_HCD to require cities to discount site capacity by a rough estimate of the site's likelihood of development during planning period. 3/n