Worth noting Frost’s express admission that the current government’s chosen relationship with the EU places “burdensome”arrangements on GB businesses and has a “chilling effect” on trade and investment.
And that “regulatory burdens” on GB/EU trade will “get worse” as the current government succeeds in promoting divergence.
My own initial assessment is that the EU’s legislative proposals resolve most of the main issues on medicines, in particular the risk that medicines available in GB wouldn’t be available in NI. (I’ll tweet about this later if I have time.)
Looks as if Frost may be of the same preliminary view (caution understandable when details published yesterday).
On State aid, I’ve already explained why I have some sympathy with the current government’s point here. See eurelationslaw.com/blog/the-uks-p…
Shame that the current government didn’t pick up and deal with the point (a) when the subsidy control provisions in the TCA were agreed or (b) without losing it in a slew of other much less sustainable complaints. But there we are.
On governance. It is hard to read the current government’s complaint about democratic accountability without pointing out that the issue was obvious from the start: and yet it agreed the Protocol and sold it enthusiastically to voters.
Or without observing the absence of any constructive solution.
As for the ECJ, the proposed mechanism leads back to the ECJ on any EU law issue arising (ie any issue under the main provisions of the Protocol). But, hey ho, fig leaves.
It also isn’t clear to me how the mechanism would work in a case where the Commission or other EU agency has powers in NI under the Protocol (State aid among others). How would challenges to their decisions operate?
A promise that - under the current government’s approach to our trade and regulatory relationship with the EU, the Protocol saga isn’t going to go away.
But again no coherent explanation as to how the current government’s aim of divergence (it often seems for its own sake) can be achieved without a hard border somewhere.

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More from @GeorgePeretzQC

17 Dec
Absolutely. And read @jillongovt’s piece below. If Case was asked to take on this role, he should have refused (he may well have been bounced into it, of course).
At the very least, he should have insisted on getting someone from outside to do the digging and ask the awkward questions - a sort of Counsel to the Inquiry (eg a retired senior police officer or criminal law QC.)
To use the traditional phrase, no one is going to - or should - believe that the Cabinet Secretary could investigate the matter “without fear or favour”.
Read 4 tweets
15 Dec
Worth noting, when claims are made about UK capacity to take swifter regulatory decisions outside the EU. NB, for those fascinated by the Protocol’s impact in medicines, that this means that the position is that in NI 5-11 year olds can have the vaccine while in GB they can’t.
(Of course, dangerous to generalise about regulatory capacity on the basis of one or a few cases, which may have various complexities. But that knife cuts both ways: and there are grounds for concern about MHRA resourcing after it lost a lot of income and work after Brexit.)
In the longer term - a point I and others have made - there is a real dilemma here post-TCA with no good options. Rough sketch of those options: -
Read 9 tweets
6 Dec
A couple of thoughts about this proposal, floated in today’s Times, for an annual “‘Interpretation Bill’ to strike out findings from judicial reviews with which the government does not agree”. thetimes.co.uk/article/boris-…
As written, that sentence raises more questions than it answers. What is meant by a “strike out a finding”?
If “finding” means “a ruling about what the law is” and “strike out” means “change the law” than that is not exactly revolutionary. If judges rule that legislation means “X” but Parliament doesn’t like X, then Parliament can change the law. (This happens all the time in tax law.)
Read 13 tweets
3 Dec
Thinking about this in terms of pleading a case, what the current government is essentially doing is “non admission”: refusing to make a positive or negative case on the core factual issue (“was there a party in No 10 on 19/12/20?”).
However, non-admission isn’t sustainable in litigation if the person taking that line holds all the relevant evidence and is in a position to know whether the allegation is true or false.
As is the case here: the minister’s complaint about “rumour” doesn’t (and can’t) land because the government knows the facts and is able to confirm or refute the rumour.
Read 4 tweets
3 Dec
This is very good, and makes important points about regulation.
This is true and important. And see Stephen Weatherill’s piece. eulawanalysis.blogspot.com/2017/01/what-i…
And this is good on a central problem that the TCA fails even to begin to address in any adequate way: the classic FTA model is, compared to single market membership, wholly deficient in dealing with regulatory and services barriers. Net result: *more*, not less, red tape.
Read 4 tweets
21 Nov
A brief explanation of what appears to be going on here. telegraph.co.uk/politics/2021/…
(NB medicines regulation is complex: I am trying to summarise accurately but do not rely!)
The effect of the Protocol is to put NI into the EU medicines regime.
Read 23 tweets

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