A few comments on the current government’s consultation document on “A Modern Bill of Rights”.
First, the title “Modern Bill of Rights”. It hints at a powerful statement of what our fundamental rights should be.
In reality, this “Modern Bill of Rights” is little more than a cutting back of the existing Human Rights Act. No consideration of any additional rights apart from a tepid nod to the idea of a right to jury trial.
(Tepid because it will hit the reality that the overwhelming bulk of criminal cases are decided by magistrates.)
I have always suspected that any “British Bill of Rights” resulting from any process that engaged the public in any meaningful way would include a right to free healthcare at the point of need. Ruled out of court here.
But one set of rights generates real enthusiasm, and we are told needs strengthening.
Difficult not to be cynical about the enthusiasm for freedom of the press (against privacy rights, where an unattractive case is highlighted rather than eg ordinary people whose lives are suddenly all over the front pages).
Where is the equivalent enthusiasm for equally historic and fundamental rights to protest?
As to the cutting back of the Human Rights Act. This is concerning.
What it would mean is that statutory instruments (ministerial law-making that gets no, or limited and inadequate, Parliamentary scrutiny) might well continue in force even if a court finds they breach the HRA.
The issue there is - in reality - about limits on executive power, not any tension between the courts and Parliament.
Next, section 3: the duty to read other legislation, if at all possible, in a way consistent with the HRA.
Again, a skewed list of examples of its use, focusing on “unattractive” cases. Why not talk about Ghaidan (consigned to a bare footnote)?
In Ghaidan, section 3 allowed old law about a husband/wife’s right to inherit statutory tenancies to be read to extend to gay partners (this was before civil partnerships/equal marriage).
Entirely consistent with Parliamentary sovereignty: Parliament tells the courts that it intends all legislation to be read through a human rights lens, if at all possible.
And it reflects a reality that human rights issues are often not picked up during the legislative process, or emerge years after the legislation is passed, as society changes (the situation in Ghaidan).
Lots more to be said. But those are some of the points that leapt out at me on a first read.
More generally, I wrote a piece in 2020 for @thefabians on how the Left should think about judicial review (and human rights review in particular) that is relevant to these issues. fabians.org.uk/held-to-accoun…
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I don’t often agree with @danielmgmoylan: but putting aside partisan swipes, and the first couple of minutes on general philosophy of immigration law, he then makes a good conservative case against the ability of governments to remove nationality.
It comes from a Tory perspective that isn’t mine: but ends up in much the same place. And I absolutely agree that citizenship isn’t just a travel document, or a contract that can be torn up by either side at will.
I’d add (he may or may not agree with me) that the fact that the provision bites on those with family or personal connections with other countries (eg Jews or Northern Irish entitled to another country’s citizenship: those with a foreign born parent) is a further deep iniquity.
This is poor stuff. Judicial reviews don’t get anywhere (they don’t get permission) if the only basis for them is disagreement with government policy. GLP cases have had success because they have identified cases where government has breached the law.
It is important to make that point because sloppy reporting of that kind feeds into a narrative that judicial review is just politics by other means.
Really important point by @PJTheEconomist. Many discussions of devolution focus on the *legal* powers of devolved bodies (in 🏴, 🏴 or English mayors). But their *fiscal* powers are equally critical: without the ability to raise their own taxes they are constantly supplicants.
Moreover, without their own fiscal autonomy, accountability for decisions is confused and poor.
Central government uses its purse strings as a whip, but hopes to evade responsibility for the consequences (see the current TfL drama) - and devolved government evades responsibility for its decisions by blaming Westminster parsimony.
“Binning it” isn’t actually a bad idea - and that is so even if you believe that it’s likely that substantial improvement in regulation is possible be replacing carried-over EU law with new U.K. drafted rules.
The review had two strands. One was to go through all areas of retained EU law to suggest replacements.
Worth noting Frost’s express admission that the current government’s chosen relationship with the EU places “burdensome”arrangements on GB businesses and has a “chilling effect” on trade and investment.
And that “regulatory burdens” on GB/EU trade will “get worse” as the current government succeeds in promoting divergence.
Absolutely. And read @jillongovt’s piece below. If Case was asked to take on this role, he should have refused (he may well have been bounced into it, of course).
At the very least, he should have insisted on getting someone from outside to do the digging and ask the awkward questions - a sort of Counsel to the Inquiry (eg a retired senior police officer or criminal law QC.)
To use the traditional phrase, no one is going to - or should - believe that the Cabinet Secretary could investigate the matter “without fear or favour”.