I've observed before that this "Health Nerd" guy is stunningly incompetent when it comes to statistical inference. He continues to confirm that here.
The problem with these modeling calibration studies is that they are sensitive to the hard-coded assumptions of their own model.
They are not true "counterfactual" studies because the claimed counterfactual is usually just the projection of their own simulation model in the absence of lockdowns. IOW, they use their own model to "prove" itself.
It is true that these approaches are common in epidemiology journals. But that's a fault of the epidemiology subfield - it is still living in the statistical dark ages when it comes to doing causal inference.
Hanke et al explain their reasoning for excluding modeling calibration studies in detail, and it's entirely sound: modeling calibration studies are basically junk, premised on a circular self-reaffirming statistical approach.
Link here for those who want to follow, assuming he doesn't block you for pointing out that he's functionally innumerate when it comes to statistical analysis.
John Maynard Keynes is well known for his advisory role in the British government on economic matters, including during WWII.
Far less known is that Keynes - like many British intellectuals - had a decade-long political flirtation with fascism prior to the war.
Our story starts in 1926 when Keynes wrote one of his most famous essays, 'The End of Laissez Faire.' Close readers of this essay are also familiar with a notorious passage where Keynes endorses eugenics as a basis for population management.
Much less known though - the origin of 'The End of Laissez Faire' was actually a lecture that Keynes delivered in 1926 at the University of Berlin.
Keynes's early draw to fascism was more than superficial. Here is Harold Nicolson's diary recording how Keynes was at the meeting where they crafted the economic planks of Mosley's New Party in 1931.
The New Party was the precursor organization to the British Union of Fascists.
Another Nicolson diary entry recording a meeting between Keynes and Mosley. For context, "Tom" was a nickname for Mosley among his friends.
So...who wants to tell Nikole Hannah Jones about Hurston's economic philosophy?
Hint: it was, in fact, in direct opposition to what NHJ embraces.
In particular, see Hurston's assessment of W.E.B. Du Bois, who she basically called him a Kremlin stooge. The distance between her and NHJ on economic matters could not be further apart.
Another telling passage from Hurston's autobiography, 'Dust Tracks on a Road,' which is the direct antithesis of Hannah-Jones' backward-looking arguments about slavery in the 1619 Project:
The interesting feature of the argument made here is that it rests heavily on Douglass's assessment of Abraham Lincoln from 1876.
While the original 1619 Project took a fairly harsh look at Lincoln, Douglass was completely absent from its discussion.
In this essay, Field attempts to supply Nikole Hannah-Jones with material from Douglass to bolster an interpretation of Lincoln that NHJ likely sympathizes with, but also completely omitted from her original essay - either out of sloppiness or ignorance of the literature.
I'm not convinced that this is a result of a plan dating back to the 60s, but the leftward ideological shift of the universities is both rapid and undeniable.
Simpler explanation: faculty jobs are scarce, and scarcity prioritizes political homogeneity.
Decades of PhD overproduction have resulted in a situation where tenure track appointments are mainly rationed on non-merit based grounds. Instead we get ideological nepotism, so faculty retirements are replaced by an ideologically homogeneous cohort of new hires.
We see this clearly in faculty surveys, which show a hard left shift after the early 2000s to the point that leftwing faculty went from a ~40% plurality to an outright 60%+ majority. In some areas such as the humanities it's more like an 80-90% majority.