This is a crucial observation: In the American political discourse, “working class” is often just shorthand for “white people with certain reactionary cultural sensibilities” - as in: “The working class rebelled against the establishment and voted for Trump.”
It’s really striking how the terms “blue collar” and “working class” almost always refer to either a type of professional occupation or certain reactionary cultural sensibilities of white people and are often entirely detached from matters of class / socio-economic status.
This is well in line with the pervasive assumption of a white “normal” that still governs the American political and cultural discourse. Concepts like “working class,” or “parents,” or “Christians” often come with a silent “white.”
The - sometimes implicitly accepted, but more often specifically intended - effect of using the term “working class” in this way is to legitimize the actions of reactionary white people and insulate them from critique: they’re just “regular folks,” their gripes must be justified.
In this specific case, the “working class” moniker is also used to invoke numbers - the protests are supposedly legitimate because they represent “the masses” rising up against the illegitimate (liberal) elites who have no right to keep “the people” down.
It’s all enormously disingenuous, because the rightwing elites celebrating these protests detest the actual “masses,” disdain the poor, often explicitly reject majority rule. What they are actually favoring is not “the people,” but a white reactionary uprising, nothing more.
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In Week 2, we started with a look at some big-picture takes on the History Wars and a broader reflection on the question: Why is everybody talking about history? The goal was to raise questions rather than to find final answers – an attempt to refine our agenda. #GEST535
The discussion focused on two pieces by historians Timothy Snyder and Matthew Karp that try to offer a broader diagnosis of what the History Wars tell us about American politics, society, and culture right at this current moment. #GEST535
Perfect example of the slippery slope argument conservatives like to deploy to delegitimize cultural change they reject.
The actual issue: The gratuitous use of the N word in fiction faces more criticism today than it used to – is that bad?
Nichols: The road to the Gulag!
If we actually were “killing culture” and descending towards “a Sovietized, carefully censored culture,” I’d agree that’d be bad. But where is the evidence for that? The fact that Quentin Tarantino might get criticized if he used the N word as much today as he did in the 90s?
But, of course, once you start censoring (no one is censoring) the genius of great artists (white men, that is), once you silence them (no one is silencing), that’s clearly an indication that society as a whole is on a path to totalitarianism.
Here’s the reading list for this course I am currently teaching. It’s somewhat preliminary: It’s a new course and changes may occur, depending on where our discussions take us. I’ll also certainly add more primary sources. Follow along at #GEST535
We started with a look at some big-picture takes on the History Wars and a broader reflection on an important question: Why is everybody talking about history? #GEST535
This week, we looked at some previous iterations of the History Wars, specifically at the conflict over National History Standards in the 90s, and tried to situate the current anti-“CRT”/ education bills in that longer-term context. #GEST535
I am teaching a graduate course on the “21st Century History Wars” this semester. If anybody is interested in following along here on Twitter, I’d be happy to keep a running diary of what we read and discuss. A few thoughts on the outline of the course and the idea behind it:
Not just in the United States, but on either side of the Atlantic, we are witnessing intense conflicts over questions of cultural hegemony and national identity that have catapulted debates over “history” to the top of the political agenda.
These are struggles over who gets to define the national story and what place the legacies of racism, slavery, colonialism, and imperialism should occupy in it – with serious implications for the political, social, and cultural order in the present.
The alarmed reactions to Joe Biden’s pledge to nominate a Black woman to the Supreme Courts reveal a lot about the conservative psyche and the pervasive siege mentality on the Right: To a reactionary white patriarchal movement, a Black woman rising is a threat.
Conservatives feel threatened by Biden’s announcement because they understand it symbolizes the recognition that having white men dominate the powerful institutions of American life is a problem that needs to be rectified.
Conservatives see Biden’s announcement as an indication of how powerful the forces of liberalism, “wokeism,” and multiculturalism – those radically “Un-American” ideas that are threatening “real” (read: white Christian patriarchal) America – have already become.
It is worth diving into the conservative reactions to Biden’s pledge to nominate a Black woman to the Supreme Court. They reveal a lot about the conservative psyche – and why the announcement is important even though, as @ElieNYC notes, the Right will still control the Court: 1/
Conservative politicians, intellectuals, and activists certainly didn’t try to hide their disdain. Even though it’s unclear who the candidate will be, they already know they won’t support this “beneficiary of affirmative action” and fight against this “lesser Black woman.” 2/
If you bemoan “exclusionary criteria of race and sex” only if and when they result in the selection of someone who is *not* a white man, you’re telling on yourself. 115 people appointed to the Court in 232 years – 7 have not been white men. Seven. 3/