Ezra Klein Profile picture
Feb 7 22 tweets 4 min read
I’m going to back a few days in Discourse Time, and say something I think has been missed the Joe Rogan/Covid mess (I realize there are now other messes).

Once you’re here, all the answers are bad. They’re all bad because they all harm the thing you’re trying to protect: Trust.
Having one of the most popular podcasters in the world become a platform for vaccine misinformation?

That’s bad, for obvious reasons.
But bringing more attention to that misinformation, and making those sympathetic to him feel persecuted and censored?

Also bad! You’re alienating and angering the exact people you need to reach.

It’s a Kobayashi Maru.
Rogan was an apt backdrop for my column this week, about a new Lancet paper that tries to untangle what actually predicted country-by-country coronavirus outcomes. nytimes.com/2022/02/06/opi…
Most things don’t!

You can’t predict much with population density, GDP, pandemic preparedness ratings from 2019, health system capacity, universal health care coverage, smoking, exposure to SARS and MERS, air pollution…
So what works? First, age. That explains a lot. But you can’t do much about age.

Second: Measures of social and institutional trust.
Policy lies downstream of society. Mandates are not self-executing; to work, policies need to be followed, guidance needs to be believed. Public health is rooted in the soil of trust. That soil has thinned in America.
The Biden team has made their mistakes. But the context for their administration is a Republican Party divided over the legitimacy of the 2020 election, and where fighting and sabotaging their covid response is the understood path to 2024.
And the broader context is that America has really fallen on measures of trust.

Our trust in government is extremely low, fragile-state low. Our trust in each other is higher, but falling. Our informational commons are fractured and angry.
That helps explain why America led the world on pandemic preparedness measures in 2019 and then failed so badly when faced with an actual pandemic.
Once you’re in as low-trust, high-dysfunction, high-polarization environment, all policy choices degrade.

Take vaccine mandates. They wrap vaccines in debates over personal freedom and bodily autonomy. They also kinda of work, when all else fails.

It's a tradeoff.
Denmark has 81% vaccine coverage, and no mandate.

That’s what you want: A society where you don’t need a vaccine mandate in the first place!

To need a vaccine mandate is to need a policy that will further fracture society. It's a bad choice to be faced with.
We often debate policy as if it will be smoothly implemented and followed. I’m more guilty of this than most.

But we have to talk about the problem we actually have: What does good pandemic policy look like for a low-trust, high-dysfunction society?
I'll loop this back to Rogan: I think he should've been treated as a target for persuasion, not punishment, going a ways back.

(And many did this! Props here to @SanjayGuptaCNN, who tried exactly that recently, but Rogan was too angry at CNN to treat that conversation normally.)
The useful push with Rogan — the one that Spotify could and perhaps has shoved him on, as Rogan has now pledged to do this — would've been for him to do what he says he does, and have on the most credible, informed voices on the topics he's exploring.
It may be too late.

I suspect Rogan is personally pretty angry and polarized, so I'm not sure he's still persuadable. Or maybe he never was. Or maybe he actually is. I won't pretend to know.
I think a policy targeting trust would've been trying, in a friendly and patient and organized way, to influence him for a long time.

And that would've meant becoming more friendly and more patient and more organized as he flirted with bad ideas.
And it would've been hard and maybe impossible to win him over. I'm not saying any of this would have worked.

But treating him as an enemy definitely failed. And if you think the bad ideas he's spreading matter, then that matters. It's a failure worth thinking about.
The Rogan problem is just a miniature version of our broad social problem here: The thing we need to be targeting is trust and persuasion. And policy is a very crude tool through which to do it.
By the time you're solving a trust problem through policy, you're in bad shape. And sometimes that's just reality. But the lesson of the past few years is we need to take trust and messengers and solidarity as our first priority.
And that kind of work is hard and emotionally unsatisfying. It means coalitions you don't want to make and patient, generous courting of people you think are really damaging society. This kind of politics is really hard. But there's no obvious alternative to it.
Here's more on the research and theory of all this: nytimes.com/2022/02/06/opi…

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More from @ezraklein

Feb 7
So I'm not enough of a macroeconomist to know if it's true that what MMT says that's new isn't true, and what it says that's true isn't new.

But I'll say that MMT has absolutely changed the things that MMT's critics will say are true.
I'll give an example: MMTers really like the Keynes quote "anything we can actually do, we can afford."

Their critics say: It's a Keynes quote! So it's something the Keynesians knew.

But in years of reporting with Keynesian economists, it is definitely not how they talked.
There was *far* more discussion in the 2010s of debt-to-GDP ratios and Reinhart/Rogoff than of the real productive limits of the economy, and where we were in relation to them.
Read 11 tweets
Feb 6
And to add: which way does the causality point?

The research and example I use suggest high levels of trust in institutions lead to better outcomes. That probably leads to more trust! It can be a positive feedback loop.

Or it can go the other way, and in America, it has.
But I'm also not convinced the relationship between trust and institutions is solely or mainly mediated by institutional quality or performance.
The "Revolt of the Public" argument is partially that digital communication does a lot to reveal elite failures that always existed, but did less to erode trust back when elites had more control over information flows. That seems right to me.
Read 6 tweets
Feb 2
One thing testing positive for 12 $*%&#^# days makes you think about is how often you've walked back into society still contagious with the flu or cold you felt mostly recovered from.
Having a long bout of Omicron really convinced me that there's just no good policy answer for this thing.
Read 5 tweets
Feb 1
"If your goal is to win and build sustainable power, throwing $90 million at Amy McGrath for Senate just because she’s taking on Mitch McConnell is not the way to do that," @amandalitman told me. "It just isn’t." nytimes.com/2022/02/01/opi…
A weakness for Democrats, both at the level of funding and at the level of attention, is they're obsessed with national power and have ceded a huge amount of state and local power to the right.
But that's not, at any level sustainable.

It's not sustainable nationally: Elections are administered by states. Congressional districts are drawn by states. The House and Senate bench is built of local and state officials.
Read 9 tweets
Jan 25
“There’s a phrase in Zen Buddhism that comes from a koan, which is, ‘Not knowing is most intimate,’" @ozekiland told me.

"It’s when we don’t know something and when we can sit in that state of not knowing is when there’s a kind of an intimacy with the world around us.”
I love that idea: That the deepest intimacy is knowing a person or thing well enough to recognize they can't truly be known. Feeling you have others fully mapped means you don't know them as well as you think you do.
“In this state of not knowing, curiosity and engagement with the world arises, for lack of a better word. And that engagement, that curiosity is intimate and very, very alive."
Read 5 tweets
Jan 16
Department of depressing juxtapositions, NYT trending edition: Image
The first piece there is my column, about Biden’s supply-side crises and mistakes, where I write: Image
The second is an extremely popular, helpful article on avoiding counterfeit masks, which would be unnecessary if the supply chain for good masks was clearer, and if you could just get them free from the gov. nytimes.com/article/covid-…
Read 5 tweets

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