A question I’m often getting when I talk about reactionary white male grievance is: How much of this is “sincere,” how much is opportunism?

This is a good example why the answer is not either/or: It’s both, ideology and opportunism reinforcing each other in interesting ways.
There’s no question that Sorbo understands the opportunity that is presented to him: There’s a whole rightwing propaganda infrastructure for guys like him - a standing invitation to gain a little bit of attention (and money) by leaning into their supposed victimization.
But when he looks in the mirror in the morning, does he go: “Goodness, I can’t believe they’re buying this BS - let’s go out there and tell some more nonsense stories!” I don’t think that’s the case. What’s on display here is a little more interesting than that.
Purely from a psychological standpoint, it’s unlikely for people to conceptualize their own behavior in such negative terms as pure opportunism / grift. While it’s cliché, it’s also plausible to assume that everyone is a hero in their own story.
More specifically, we all try to make sense of our actions, past and present, and tell stories - to ourselves and to the world - that make our life choices seem justified and consistent. Anyone who’s ever grappled with how to interpret autobiographical writing knows this.
In this case, the tale of the persecuted white man is attractive to Sorbo for obvious reasons: In this narrative, he didn’t fail professionally - he’s the victim of insidious forces; and by publicly talking about his story, he becomes a hero of conservative resistance.
“But does he truly believe this?” is the wrong question to ask because it quickly leads to a dead end. Analytically, it’s more fruitful to start from the assumption that ideology always circumscribes and defines the realm of opportunity, and to explore that underlying worldview.
Beyond the question of individual psychology, Sorbo also offers - admittedly in the crudest way possible - a window into the mindset that has defined modern conservatism since its inception: constant elite self-victimization.
One obvious example is William F. Buckley’s “Mission Statement” that he published in the National Review in November 1955. According to the godfather of modern conservatism, life in America was hard for conservatives - always “suppressed or mutilated” by the Libs.
This type of victimization complex has been at the heart of the conservative political project ever since - a siege mentality that serves to justify even the most radical, most cynical, most disingenuous behavior: What do you want us to do, the Libs are out to destroy us?!
In a way, Sorbo is the perfect avatar for this type of reactionary white male grievance because he’s claiming victimhood in the cultural realm. It is not just political power, but cultural dominance and affirmation conservatives seek - and it has eluded them for quite some time.
Sorbo’s pathetic nonsense would be funny if it weren’t also indicative of an underlying worldview that is fueling much of the reactionary counter-mobilization currently threatening democracy. White male elite grievance is a powerful force in American politics.
The white reactionary elite self-victimization provides a permission structure: Supporting despicably unethical politicians and blatantly authoritarian measures? In a world dominated by Libs who are out to silence and destroy upstanding conservatives, it’s what you have to do.

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More from @tzimmer_history

Feb 10
A clarifying piece by @perrybaconjr: What kind of democracy, and for whom?

Conservatives want to restrict democracy in order to uphold white Christian patriarchal rule. They are turning to authoritarianism because they are failing. Thoughts from a historical perspective: 1/
There are two key questions that have defined recent U.S. history: How have ideas and realities of democracy changed, specifically since the 1950s? And how has political conservatism reacted to those shifting versions and visions of democracy? 2/
It is often said that the U.S. is the world’s oldest democracy. While that is not necessarily incorrect, depending on the definition of “democracy,” it obscures rather than illuminates the reality of American life, past and present, and the nature of the current conflict. 3/
Read 33 tweets
Feb 9
I wish more people knew about this story: a bust one of the KKK’s founders (!), in the year 2000 (!), in Selma, Alabama (!), in direct reaction to the election of a Black mayor. Grapple with this in earnest and you’ll understand so much about America’s past and present.
Nathan Bedford Forrest is famous not in spite, but solely because he was a traitor, war criminal, and the first Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. He was the embodiment of white supremacist violence when he was alive, and has been a symbol of continued white supremacy ever since.
What would you say about a German town with a large Jewish community, that just elected a Jewish mayor, erecting a statue of a Wehrmacht general who was infamous for being an anti-Semite, massacring Soviet soldiers, and founding a neo-Nazi terror organization after the war?
Read 5 tweets
Feb 8
The 21st-Century History Wars #GEST535

Here’s a recap of Week 3, last week’s class: A look at the conflict over National History Standards in the 1990s, and an attempt to figure out how to relate the History Wars to the current wave of the anti-“CRT”/ education bills.
The general idea last week was to explore broader contexts in which to situate the current conflict over history education, specifically, and establish a framework for what is happening currently. Three broader contexts stood out. #GEST535
The first context is the general conflict over public education. The conservative critique of public education has a long history – in many ways, it’s been an important part of the modern conservative project since its inception. #GEST535
Read 24 tweets
Feb 8
The 21st-Century History Wars #GEST535

As we are entering Week 4, a quick recap of what we’ve done so far, for everyone who wants to follow along and catch up.
In Week 2, we started with a look at some big-picture takes on the History Wars and a broader reflection on the question: Why is everybody talking about history? The goal was to raise questions rather than to find final answers – an attempt to refine our agenda. #GEST535
The discussion focused on two pieces by historians Timothy Snyder and Matthew Karp that try to offer a broader diagnosis of what the History Wars tell us about American politics, society, and culture right at this current moment. #GEST535
Read 11 tweets
Feb 7
Perfect example of the slippery slope argument conservatives like to deploy to delegitimize cultural change they reject.

The actual issue: The gratuitous use of the N word in fiction faces more criticism today than it used to – is that bad?

Nichols: The road to the Gulag!
If we actually were “killing culture” and descending towards “a Sovietized, carefully censored culture,” I’d agree that’d be bad. But where is the evidence for that? The fact that Quentin Tarantino might get criticized if he used the N word as much today as he did in the 90s?
But, of course, once you start censoring (no one is censoring) the genius of great artists (white men, that is), once you silence them (no one is silencing), that’s clearly an indication that society as a whole is on a path to totalitarianism.
Read 9 tweets
Feb 6
This is a crucial observation: In the American political discourse, “working class” is often just shorthand for “white people with certain reactionary cultural sensibilities” - as in: “The working class rebelled against the establishment and voted for Trump.”
It’s really striking how the terms “blue collar” and “working class” almost always refer to either a type of professional occupation or certain reactionary cultural sensibilities of white people and are often entirely detached from matters of class / socio-economic status.
This is well in line with the pervasive assumption of a white “normal” that still governs the American political and cultural discourse. Concepts like “working class,” or “parents,” or “Christians” often come with a silent “white.”
Read 6 tweets

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