🧵@California_HCD has found L.A.'s largely exemplary housing plan noncompliant, on ground that it doesn't adequately "affirmatively further fair housing."
I fear this was a big mistake. 1/25
Context: the traditional problem w/ housing element law is that cities relied on fake assumption that every parcel in plan was certain to be developed during planning period. For a target of 1000 units, city would provide parcels whose zoning allowed ~1000 units, ignoring... /2
the fact that most parcels have a tiny probability of development during planning period. (For Bay Area housing element sites from last cycle, Kapur et al. find p(dev) < 0.10.) /3
To its great credit, LA teamed up w/ @TernerHousing to estimate p(dev) for every residentially zoned site in city, and only counted each site for p(dev) * (expected density conditional on development). /4
B/c of this, LA -- which has enough on-paper zoned capacity to accommodate the entire 1.3 million unit target for Southern California -- had to commit to major rezoning for additional capacity. Which it did, willingly. /5
LA also acknowledged that current distribution of zoned capacity is skewed toward low-income & minority neighborhoods, and it promised to target high-opportunity areas w/ its rezoning program. /6
HCD's review letter praises LA for the capacity analysis and rezoning program. /7
But HCD found that the city's housing element did not achieve "substantial compliance" (the legal standard), because certain programs "related to AFFH" lacked "metrics" and "firm commitments and specific targets for AFFH outcomes." /8
Notably, HCD did not provide any examples of metrics, commitments, or targets that would be sufficient for LA to be certified as compliant. /9
This is worrisome, both politically and legally. Politically, LA has been great. LA reps voted for "Coastal Plan" that shifted the intraregional allocation toward high-demand cities. Then LA planners did the realistic capacity analysis that led city to accept big rezoning. /10
Other cities may look at HCD's rejection of LA's plan and say to themselves, "Even if we do nearly everything right, it's never going to be enough." They'll lobby Leg for exemptions, rather than make good-faith efforts to comply. /11
Legally, HCD's basing its decision on the inadequacy of LA's AFFH program is risky too. The idea of AFFH ("affirmatively furthering fair housing") is sweeping and it pushes in many directions. /12
The statute tells cities both to help disadvantaged minorities leave poor neighborhoods ("mobility strategies") & to "revitalize" those neighborhood w/ "place-based strategies" -- tho w/o displacing anyone! /13
AFFH's internal tensions are why Obama's HUD emphasized process not outcomes, and why @n_kazis sagely counsels for a focus on discrete unfair practices (e.g., large-lot SFH zoning), rather than overall assessment of the adequacy of a city's programs. /14 papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
Combine this w/ old California cases holding that a housing element "substantially complies" if the city checked all the statutory boxes -- even if the housing element's programs are substantively lousy & HCD rejected it -- and we've got problems. /15
I & co-authors have argued that those bad old cases have been abrogated by implication, given everything the Leg has done to strengthen the law over the past 5 years. /16 papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
But we also emphasized that HCD is on surer footing if it rejects housing elements for inadequate analysis of site capacity & constraints. (B/c leg has given HCD standard-setting authority in those areas.) /17
I fear that if the first cases testing the continued vitality of the old box-checking conception of "substantial compliance" center on AFFH, the courts will reaffirm that box-checking is enough -- precisely b/c they won't discern any standard for assessing AFFH substance. /18
The alternative (absent standards for AFFH substance) is to conclude that HCD has unfettered discretion to demand "more" with respect to any city's zoning, infrastructure, tenant protection, affordable housing & other programs. /19
I don't see courts going for that. Maybe I'm wrong. I certainly hope I'm wrong, as I don't think HCD would abuse its discretion (it faces too much political pressure from cities).
But I wouldn't wager that I'm wrong. /20
Perhaps the big lesson from this housing element cycle will be that just as cities must provide objective standards for developers (HAA, SB 35, ADU laws, etc.), HCD must provide objective standards for cities. /21
Our neighbors to the north (Oregon) are doing this now, and seemingly well. /22
In CA, it would require changes, both legally and culturally:
Leg wd need to authorize HCD rulemaking & frame procedural alternative to dysfunctional Cal. APA.
HCD wd have to change mindset from "help cities and planners" to "set workable standards." /23
Who knows how it'd play out.
But what we're seeing now is that when HCD tries to "get real" w/o standards, the result is befuddlement & frustration -- not only for bad actors like Davis, Santa Monica, and Beverly Hills, but also for cities that have done yeoman's work. /24
HCD is absolutely doing its best under tough circumstances, w/ small staff & avalanche of housing elements to review. (They'll probably approve LA's housing element after modest amendments.)
I just worry about what will happen when a city decides to sue. /end
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🧵What is "CEQA sprawl," and is there a way to stop it?
tl,dr: It's the transmogrification of an enviro review statute into a NIMBY stop-everything (even education!) statute.
One way to fix it is w/ private right of action against legally excessive CEQA review. 1/16
As enacted in 1970, CEQA established a commonsense requirement for environmental study prior to major public projects w/ serious enviro consequences. /2
It now requires exhaustive, costly, time-consuming studies & serious litigation risk basically anytime anyone proposes to build or permit anything near rich people or or "well trained" interest groups. However benign the project.
Everyone freaked out by @DLeonhardt's terrifying synopsis of the antidemocratic movement must read @Nedfoley's brilliant new paper making case for round-robin primary elections.
I can't think of a more timely & important law review article. Ever. 1/n
The most hopeful statistic in @DLeonhardt's column is that "only" 60% of Republicans tell pollsters they believe Biden stole his win. Given probs. of acquiescence bias & symbolic response, real share of Repubs who believe this is no doubt much smaller. 2/n
In short, there's still a supermajority within the U.S. electorate that believes in democracy. The problem is how to ensure that this supermajority can defeat anti-democratic candidates. 3/n
Here are eight questions I'd like San Francisco's Bd of Supervisors to ask before tomorrow night's vote to "paper" the denials of 469 Stevenson & 450-474 O'Farrell projects (~800 homes).
Bd is skating on thin legal ice. It will fall through if there aren't good answers. 1/n
Question No. 1: "Did city provide developer of either project w/ written notice of any general plan or zoning standards the project allegedly violates, & was this notice provided w/in 60 days of date on which project application was determined or deemed complete?" 2/n
State law (HAA) says city may not deny or reduce density of project on basis of zoning / general plan standards unless city provides this timely written notice. Gov't Code 65589.5(j)(2). 3/n
Just read this terrific paper ⬇️. It's another strong finding on how structure of city gov't -- in this case, separation of powers b/t mayor and city council w.r.t. land use -- affects policy outcomes. 1/4
Most interesting finding in my book is that Dem wins in close mayoral elections have a much larger (positive) effect on number of multifamily housing units permitted over next 2-3 years than on number of MFH projects. 2/4
This is consistent w/ city execs having lots of discretion over project size (variances, CUPs, PUDs, density bonuses), but little discretion over share of city's developable land where multifamily housing is allowed. (The latter is usually set legislatively, through zoning.) 3/4
This ⬇️ may be a jest, but putting cities that flaunt state housing law into some form of receivership may be necessary.
Consider Voting Rights Act of 1965, which authorized U.S. Attorney General to appoint federal examiners & register qualified voters in Jim Crow South. 1/5
California could create a similar cadre of state "examiners" to entitle housing projects in bad-actor cities. Instead of navigating the city's labyrinth & then the courts, developer would have option to go straight to state examiner...
2/5
and, upon showing that their project meets the city's applicable objective standards, get building permits from the state. 3/5
San Francisco has posted its doozy of a draft response to warning letter from @GavinNewsom's new housing accountability team.
(Is city's mission to bridge the partisan divide by proving itself a laughingstock to @nytimes & Fox News alike?) 1/n
Context: state called out Board of Supes for voting down two large infill housing projects (800+ homes), in apparent violation of state's Housing Accountability Act. 2/n drive.google.com/file/d/12XIn5y…
State then asked city to provide "written findings" explaining city's "reasoning and evidence," in light of state law. 3/n