The discussion last night on #Newsnight on Liz Truss' visit India and 'Global Britain', with contributions from Andrew Bridgen and @pimlicat, was quite something. 1/14
We were treated to an account of how nimble Global Britain, free from the constraints of the EU, is now able to forge trade deals and prosper, seeking out opportunities for mutual advantage with like-minded partners. 2/14
Some of the difficulties were mentioned. India's reluctance to condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine. And the possibility that some of India's asks in the trade negotiations might be difficult for the UK to accept. 3/14
What was (largely) missing was a sense of scale and perspective. There is already trade with India. Any trade deal would aim to ensure that parts of that trade occur, not on the basis of WTO rules, but on more preferential terms. 4/14
The impact of such a trade deal would depend on the difference between trade under such a deal, and trade under pre-existing WTO terms. It is likely to have a positive, but not much more than a negligible, effect. And to involve some uncomfortable terms. 5/14
The impact of Brexit is of a quite different order of magnitude. What has changed there is that we are longer within the single market. So, notwithstanding the TCA, trade with the EU has become more difficult. That is having a *significant* negative effect. 6/14
If we are able, within the framework of the TCA, to agree to apply similar or equivalent standards in more fields, trade with the EU will become easier (and, of course, this applies in a similar way to the scope of any putative deal with India). 7/14
If, on the other hand, we insist on divergence, or on the right to diverge, we will not get those benefits (and, again, this also applies re deals with India, the US, and anybody else). 8/14
It is somewhat surreal to observe the juxtaposition.
Brexiters argue that the UK, which proudly prioritises free trade, should reach agreements with others, and be prepared to brush aside human rights concerns, support for Putin, etc. 9/14
Yet somehow when it comes to countries in the EU, the position is different. Yes, cooperation is important, fundamental to global security, existential even. Yes, they might acknowledge, geography may be a factor in the EU's favour. 10/14
But... we are not prepared to compromise, or to work together with the EU to find common solutions (on eg data privacy, or food safety), which can work to our mutual advantage. 11/14
We are not even prepared to abide by the Treaties we have signed (with the side effect that other states may be less likely to agree deals with us, or may insist on stronger enforcement mechanisms). 12/14
It is almost as if we have become convinced that we face a choice - either to trade with the EU or the rest of world. The uncontroversial reality is that we already trade with both, and will continue to do so. 13/14
Quite why we have chosen to make the biggest chunk of our trade much more difficult, while seeking out marginal gains elsewhere, is difficult to work out. 14/14
One of the thing which concerns me the most about this Govt is its determined effort to neuter and/or to co-opt bodies and institutions which are able to scrutinise it and hold it to account. 1/12
There are two dimensions. The first is the weakening of the powers of those bodies and institutions. The second is the identity of those given roles in such bodies and institutions. 2/
What I am hoping, is that it may be possible to collate the many changes, perhaps on a website, so that these changes are easier to monitor.
If anyone has thoughts, please add them to this thread. 3/
There is (still) an ambiguity, which may be deliberate, in the West's response to the invasion of Ukraine. A short 🧵.
On the one hand, it is for the Russian people to decide Putin's future, and it is for Ukraine to fight off the invasion. 1/8
On the other, we are acting to destabilise the Russian regime (via sanctions etc), and are providing significant military (and humanitarian) assistance to Ukraine.
It is a difficult balancing act. 2/8
The ambiguity may be deliberate - there are good grounds for seeking to ensure that Putin does not know how the West will react to the developing situation.
But, it is also useful because it helps to mask the many differences which no doubt exist in the West. 3/8
My *amazing* cousin, also based in Bristol, has been on a 'granny rescue mission' with her partner, driving to Ukraine, and bringing her grandmother from Zaporizhzhya (in Eastern Ukraine) to the Polish border. 1/
They are now at the stage of waiting for a visa - she says they applied over a week ago, and have yet to hear anything. Helplines don't give even an approximate indication of how long it may take. 2/
Last night, I found myself thinking about #Partygate again. And not just because I have questions about what the Met Police have been up to.
I was thinking about #Partygate in the context of hubris and nemesis, and the Tory Party response to the Ukraine crisis. 🧵 1/12
I've done a thread already on how the start of the Ukraine crisis has reminded me of the start of the COVID pandemic. The fear is similar, as are the Govt missteps.
Today's point is that some aspects of the Govt response have been draconian.
In relation to COVID, the Govt ended up imposing huge restrictions on personal liberty. Now, it has and will impose punitive sanctions on Russian oligarchs. 3/12
Looking at UK politics, the start of the war of Ukraine crisis has unsettling echoes of the start of the COVID pandemic (more or less exactly 2 years ago). 🧵 1/10
Among the population, there is a lot of fear, this time about war, and a huge appetite to do whatever we can to help, this time the people of Ukraine. The efforts of many, in the UK and beyond, are inspiring. 2/
This is, again, a moment in which the Govt has a major role to play. It has, in coordination with other Govts, to fashion, and then execute, an appropriate policy response, this time to Russian aggression. 3/