Peers have voted by a majority of 66 to remove clauses from the #ElectionsBill that would fetter the independence of the Electoral Commission. Ten Conservatives defied the party whip.
The matter now returns to the Commons. Here are key points for MPs to consider. 1/
The relevant Commons committee - @CommonsPACAC - strongly supports the removal of these clauses. By limiting the Commission's independence, it says, they pose 'an unacceptable risk to the functioning of our democracy'. 2/
Elections experts are united in opposing the clauses. PACAC said it had 'not received any written submissions or oral evidence to this inquiry supporting the proposed Strategy and Policy Statement'.
The letter I co-signed in last week's @thetimes reaffirms this. 3/
It has been said in the parliamentary debates that similar arrangements exist for other regulators, such as Ofcom. But the Electoral Commission is different - it regulates MPs. The proposal empowers the regulated over the regulator. As Lord Judge said today, that is repugnant. 4/
It was said that the Commission is not accountable to parliament. That is wrong. Its staff are accountable to the Commissioners, who are chosen by parliament. Staff and commissioners regularly appear before committees of the UK, Scottish, and Welsh parliaments. 5/
The government's case for the clauses is inconsistent. It says they do not fetter the Commission, but do increase accountability. These things cannot both be true. If the Commission is free not to follow the statement, there is nothing to hold it to account on. 6/
Many MPs have concerns about the Commission. Changes to governance may be needed. But they should follow an independent review. The Commission was created in 2000 and reformed in 2009 on the basis of @PublicStandards recommendations. No such review has been conducted here. 7/
The core principle must be that the Commission is held to account through processes that are cross-partisan and non-partisan, for its fulfilment of duties that are set out in statute following independent scrutiny and full parliamentary debate. The clauses violate that. 8/
My blogpost from last autumn set out these points in detail. A couple of points are now out of date, but the core of the analysis still holds. 7/END
The Conservatives are threatening a post-election 'day of reckoning for Channel 4'. They are fully within their rights to refer C4 to Ofcom over bias concerns. But for politicians to float interference with an independent broadcaster is outrageous. (2/12)
Yesterday, the BBC complained to Facebook over a Tory ad that 'could damage perceptions of our impartiality'. There are also real concerns that the BBC and other parties may have been duped over whether Johnson will be interviewed by Andrew Neil. (3/12)
Beyond consolidation and simplification, the committee advocates deep reform. It welcomes plans for digital imprints showing who has produced online ads and calls for a wider review of digital campaigning. It also urges reform of the system for challenging election results. (2/6)
It welcomes the government's proposals to tighten up the postal voting rules and to introduce an electoral offence of intimidation against a candidate or campaigner. (3/6)
The early election bill looks likely to go through without any changes to the campaign rules, even though those rules are near-universally seen as no longer fit for purpose. Here are some thoughts on key problems we need to look out for. (1/11)
First, overviews:
"Electoral law is not fit for purpose" @CommonsCMS
"electoral law is increasingly complex and outdated, and presents real risks" @ElectoralCommUK
"Electoral reform is needed urgently as the current system is no longer fit for purpose" @AEA_Elections (2/11)
And one more, from the UK's leading fact-checker, just last week:
"We need emergency legislation before we next head to the polls." @FullFact (3/11)
With all the talk of an early election, it's crucial to be clear on the possible timings. Here is a quick thread on the key points:
(1/7)
Under the Fixed-term Parliaments Act, parliament is dissolved on the 25th working day before election day. For a 12 December election, that's 7 November. So the latest day for a motion to dissolve by 2/3 majority is 6 November. (2/7)
One option being discussed is that the EU might give a 2-week extension with the option to go to 31 Jan if parliament fails to pass the deal bill and agrees an election instead. But there is very little time for all those steps: 6 Nov is Wednesday of the week after next. (3/7)
I argue in the @Telegraph that Boris Johnson's prorogation of parliament violates both basic constitutional principles and fundamental tenets of conservatism. Key points for those of you frustrated by the paywall:
The centrepiece of the UK's constitutional system is our democratically elected parliament. It has an essential role in scrutinizing government. Without it, we risk getting demagoguery, not democracy. (2/12)
A referendum, especially one that leaves the detail to be worked out later, doesn't change that. Proper democratic accountability is needed throughout the process. In the absence of another election or referendum, only parliament can provide it. (3/12)
Nicola Sturgeon has today made two big announcements: (1) She will bring forward legislation setting out the rules for #indyref2 (2) She will call a citizens' assembly on the options and process.
Recent @ConUnit_UCL research has crucial things to say on both of these. (1/8)
First, our Independent Commission on Referendums set out how current referendum rules in the UK are flawed and what needs to change, esp. better info for voters and greater transparency for digital campaigning. (2/8)
Second, our recent report Doing Democracy Better offers further detail on how to improve information and discourse during campaigns, including through citizens' assemblies and an online information hub. (3/8)