The battle of Kharkiv has been won by #Ukraine, with Russian forces withdrawing to the north & east. Today, analysis on what is next for Ukraine’s military as it exploits a faltering Russian eastern offensive. 1/25
2/ The war in the east, and the war in #Ukraine more generally, is approaching an important turning point. vox.com/policy-and-pol…
3/ The Ukrainian success in the battle for Kharkiv is significant. It sees the recapture of Ukrainian territory and will ensure the city is out of Russian field artillery range. These are important humanitarian & political achievements for #Ukraine. forbes.com/sites/michaelp…
4/ It also gives the Ukrainian Army another huge morale & confidence boost. As they did in the north, they have shown again that they can defend, and then go on the offensive to recapture their land from the Russians. They continue to out-think and out-fight the Russian Army.
5/ Despite the Russians recently reorienting their operational design on eastern Ukraine as its main effort, they have yet to make significant gains. Indeed, they have been fought to a near standstill by the Ukrainians.
6/ Not only are the Russians in trouble in the east, but the entire Russian campaign in Ukraine is also close to culminating. I would highlight – this is not the same as a Russian defeat. It just means that Russia may shortly be unable to conduct offensive operations.
7/ Russia, theoretically, might construct some last gasp offensive out of Crimea or elsewhere in the south. But this would be akin to the WW2 German Ardennes Offensive – tactically dangerous for a short time but ultimately operationally and strategically futile.
8/ Ukraine now has several options for what they might do in the wake of success in the Battle of Kharkiv. Issues such as forces available, logistics, air support and geography will be important. But there are probably two over-riding considerations: timing & exploitation limits.
9/ Timing. The Ukrainians got their timing just right for their north east offensive around Kharkiv. Now, they have to pick the right moment for a potential wider counter offensive in the east.
10/ This means they must balance continued attrition of the Russians during their current offensive and attacking a culminated Russian force before they can establish a well-developed scheme of defensive maneuver in the east.
11/ The region to the east of Kharkiv is vulnerable to a Ukrainian advance. Not only are the majority of Russian forces further south and east of this area, seizing this region (to the east of the Donets) poses a threat to ground supply routes for Russia's eastern offensive.
12/ It will be an attractive option for Ukraine. While the ground is better suited for the defender (Russia), it is always better fight over the worst ground than through the greatest concentration of enemy. This, in many respects, has been Ukraine’s approach throughout the war.
13/ By attacking Russian rear areas, weakly defended locations and logistic hubs / convoys, the Ukrainians have forced Russian withdrawals in the north and northeast.
14/ While Russian forces in the east are stronger than those faced in the north and northeast, any interference with their supply lines will have a significant impact on Russian combat operations on the Izium axis of advance.
15/ Of course, Ukrainian success in any offensive is not guaranteed. Operational outcomes range from a Russian collapse followed by withdrawal; they fight each other to a standstill, followed by stalemate; or, potentially, a Ukrainian defeat. In war there are no certainties.
16/ Summarising, Ukraine doesn’t have a lot of time to assemble the forces & support if they are to conduct another counter offensive in the east. They have to strike before the Russians shift to a defensive posture. The Russians will be much harder to push back if that occurs.
17/ Exploitation limits. There has been speculation about how far the Ukrainians might carry their offensives. In particular, might the Ukrainians advance on Belgorod in Russia? This is probably unlikely for several reasons.
18/ First, the Ukrainians have already proved that they can out fight, outthink and defeat the Russian Army. They don’t need to go into Russia to re-prove that.
19/ 2nd, President Zelensky has gained global influence as President of a country that has been invaded. For him to engage in similar behaviour would have an impact on his influence in the outside world. president.gov.ua/en/news/kozhno…
20/ 3rd, as Russia has found, invading another country is much harder than defending your own. The motivation for soldiers ‘invading’ another country is different to the motivation when defending one’s own nation. The Ukrainians are clever enough to understand this.
21/ Finally, any Ukrainian incursion into Russia would (for Putin) validate the sense of external existential threat that Russia is under, and that Putin described in his Victory Day speech. The Ukrainian President (as well as the US & NATO) would want to avoid this.
22/ Within Ukraine’s borders, do they seek to only recapture ground taken by Russia since 24 February, or something more? The Ukrainian President will balance reclaiming Ukrainian territory, retaining Western support & not pushing the Russians to use chem / nuclear weapons.
23/ A window of opportunity is opening for Ukrainian operational design in the east. While defending the Kharkiv region they have just re-secured, they may be able to conduct an operational level strike across the Donets and into the rear of Russia’s axis of advance on Izium.
24/ With their recent experience, home ground advantage & western support, there is no one in the world better at making such a decision than the Ukrainian high command. It will be their decisions, not Russia’s, that could result in an important turning point in this war. End
A quick, strategic assessment of Putin's use of the Oreshnik missile in a strike against #Ukraine. In short, this was a political strike not a military one. 1/10 🧵
2/ Putin used this missile as a direct response to recent U.S. administration decisions to allow Ukraine to use U.S.-supplied ATACMs missiles against a wider range of targets inside Russia, particularly targets related to the Ukrainian campaign in Kursk. He notes this in his speech.
3/ An additional driver was the permission given by U.K. and French governments for the use of their long-range air launched missiles against targets in Russia.
Today, the war in #Ukraine – or at least the time since the large-scale Russian invasion of 2022 – reaches the 1000-day mark. Besides reflecting on the tremendous sacrifices of the Ukrainian people since February 2022, the 1000-day point permits taking stock of the situation. 1/8 🧵 🇺🇦
2/ Even though the situation for #Ukraine at the 1000-day mark is forbidding, the trajectory of this war is not cast in steel. To prevent continued Russian gains on the battlefield, and to stop any attempt at forcing Ukraine to the negotiate under unfavourable terms, what changes might be required?
3/ 1st, Ukraine must conduct a ruthless re-assessment of its military strategy. In 2024, Russia seized the strategic initiative, Ukraine lost more territory & an offensive into Russia has not met key objectives. New ideas will be required for an evolved military strategy.
In the past few days, speculation about a potential ‘Ukraine solution’ from the incoming Trump administration has accelerated. Here, I examine possible components of this, or other, 'peace plans' for #Ukraine. 1/10 🧵🇺🇦
2/ A report in The Telegraph describes an evolved plan that includes a buffer zone, freezing the conflict, Russia retaining currently held territory, ‘pumping Ukraine full of US weapons’ to deter Russia and deferring Ukraine’s NATO membership for years.
3/ It is timely to examine some of the components of these plans, and the issues they might contain. We can only explore potential components because there is not yet an endorsed Trump plan for Ukraine. And, unfortunately, nor is there a U.S. strategy for #Ukraine produced by the Biden administration in the past 3 years.
It has become increasingly likely that North Korean combat troops will appear in #Ukraine soon. While there remain many unknowns on this subject, the deployment of North Korean troops raises many different potential issues for Russia, Ukraine and NATO. 1/10 🧵🇺🇦
2/ On 13 October, President Zelenskyy announced the anticipated deployment of North Korea troops’ to Ukraine. In the past 48 hours, the head of NATO, Mark Rutte, described how “North Korea sending troops to fight alongside Russia in Ukraine would mark a significant escalation.”
3/ The most obvious challenge for Russia in the deployment of North Korean troops for combat operations will be at the tactical level. There will be a communication gap between soldiers and commanders who speak two different languages. It is very unlikely that most North Korean troops speak Russian - and vice versa. While translators will be helpful, this kind of communication gap can, and will, be a problem during combat operations.
President Zelenskyy has presented his Victory Plan to the Ukrainian parliament. It has 5 elements: Ukraine to join NATO; defense, including long-range strikes; deterring Russian aggression; economic development; and, and post-war security structures. 1/5 🧵 🇺🇦 kyivindependent.com/zelensky-victo…
2/ Apparently there are also three classified elements of the Victory Plan. These will be briefed separately to lawmakers. They were probably briefed to foreign leaders during Zelenskyy’s recent trip to the UK, France, Italy and Germany.
3/ Zelenskyy has also been invited to present his Victory Plan at an EU summit this week. kyivpost.com/post/40589
China has commenced #JointSword2024B. In the past day, 153 PLA aircraft & 14 PLAN ships operated around Taiwan. 111 aircraft entered Taiwan’s ADIZ. This is a record high in PLA activity. What might the People’s Liberation Army be seeking to achieve, and what might Western intelligence agencies might learn? 1/8 🧵
2/ Just last week, Taiwan celebrated its national day. Taiwan’s President Lai Ching-te gave an address on 10 October that included a statement that China "has no right to represent Taiwan" and that his mission as president would be to "resist annexation or encroachment upon our sovereignty."
3/ After the speech by the President of Taiwan, the predictable Chinese Communist Party response arrived. Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokeswoman Mao Ning stated that Lai had tried to “sell the fallacy of Taiwan independence,” and accused him of a “pernicious intention to escalate tensions across the Taiwan Strait for political gain.”