#THREAD on right-wing culture war crank Katharine Birbalsingh's first speech since becoming the Government's Social Mobility Tsar - predictably delivered to the dodgy opaquely funded free-market lobbying group Policy Exchange, which pushes libertarian-right ideology.
She starts by downplaying the importance of inequality & social mobility, attempting to discredit the evidence which is crystal clear that rising inequality is a key contributing factor to the lack of social mobility: her first move is to separate inequality from social mobility.
Her heavily implied suggestion is that accidents of birth are really not that important, & thus structural issues should be pretty much disregarded, although she (reluctantly) accepts "Those born nearest the top have advantages over those born nearest the bottom" - no shit.
However, she quickly says that recognising how accidents of birth still profoundly shape life trajectories somehow equates to an attitude that says "no one has any agency" - NOBODY thinks this.
Very revealingly, she uses 'air quotes' around the word "disadvantaged". 😬
She accepts "structural issues DO shape opportunities" but "we should be considering a wider range of explanations, not just inequality alone".
Again, NOBODY looks at "just inequality", but to downplay it - as she relentlessly does in her rhetorical style - is disingenuous.
She says of course children are born into circumstances not of their choosing (der) but like someone encountering sociology for the very first time, says people "also retain agency". Honestly, she says it like this is some big insightful revelation, when it's completely obvious.
She moves on to what she euphemistically calls "diversity of talent" & launches into the importance of focusing much more on, er, FAMILIES (forget those pesky structural factors - it's all about the parents), & it's also about "CULTURE & VALUES" (I think we know which ones).😬
She brags about & gets a quick plug for her recent ITV prog about her controversial school.
Annoyingly, she keeps saying 'nuanced', despite being one of the least nuanced people in public life I'm aware of (she's a Spiked, GB "News", Breitbart, Telegraph & Spectator regular).
On the distribution of opportunities "Part of the problem may be to do with definitions & data". She falsely claims in relation to inequality that "much of the (simplistic) research drops into the model that separates the disadvantaged on one side, & everybody else on the other".
She claims the definitions of "disadvantage" (she does the annoying air quotes thing again) may differ depending on what index is used (you don't say) "so we should not treat the disadvantaged as all being the same". NOBODY DOES. It's almost Trumpian, with a sheen of articulacy.
She falsely claims that social mobility research (which is sophisticated, peer reviewed, nuanced & undertaken by experts who know what they're talking about, not ideologues) "reduces social mobility to a contest" between the advantaged & the disadvantaged. NO RESEARCH DOES THIS.
She falsely claims that this imaginary binary thinking & research "stops us thinking about social mobility FOR EVERYONE". "We need to recognise social mobility has many forms & one size does not fit all" - NO ONE has ever claimed 'one size fits all'.
Now we get to the heart of it: she says "Consider this: if a child of parents who were long-term unemployed gets a (presumably insecure low-paid) job in their local area - isn't that a success worth celebrating? Would we really want to say it doesn't count as 'mobility'?" 🤔
Her strategy is to redefine mobility as anything that isn't quite as shit as it was as a reason to celebrate global thrusting Britain's positive can-do attitude (while of course leaving alone all the structural disadvantages which are the main cause of a lack of social mobility).
She falsely claims that "much analysis of social mobility wouldn't even notice that it (her example of the child of the long-term unemployed getting a shit job) had happened", implying that only research focused on every single person in great detail can be considered legitimate.
She AGAIN falsely claims that for a generation there has been "too much focus on a one-size-fits-all model of social mobility, which sees HE as the key means of improving social opportunity." HE is certainly ONE OF the key routes to improving lifetime earnings & opportunities.
I agree with the sentiment of something she asks: 'what can we do for all the people who do not go through the HE route'?
She does not suggest ending tax avoidance, banning shit low-paid exploitative jobs or redistributing wealth.
She briefly mentions levelling up.
She says the Social Mobility Commission will be focusing on three interconnected themes:
1. Education: which includes early years (I know the evidence shows the first four years of life are absolutely crucial), schools, University & "other routes" eg FE/apprenticeships
BUT ESPECIALLY about "how we can help families & parents!"
2 Employment: she mysteriously fleetingly mentions "regulation" which feels like it's been shoe-horned in because if there's one thing Tories, Birbalsingh, the Policy Exchange & right-wing media all HATE, it's regulation
3 Enterprise & economy: she overemphasises the potential to sometimes consolidate but sometimes DISRUPT "traditional social mobility hierarchies" (wut?).
She says "We want to develop a strong evidence base of what works" - like researchers haven't been doing this for decades.
"In conclusion, we want to champion a fresh approach, which sees social mobility as the process of enabling everyone to find & apply their talents in ways that they enjoy & give them purpose... we are required to start thinking differently about social mobility".
Yawn.
Imho, that was entirely predictable, condescending, infantile, banal, pointless, & largely meaningless.
Her plan: reframe 'social mobility' & leave all the structural disadvantages in place.
#THREAD on the latest research on social mobility research:
I couldn't bear to stick around for Birbalsingh's Q&A at the Policy Exchange, but if you want to see the whole thing, & draw your own conclusions, fill your boots.
If I can engage my inner masochist, I'll try taking a look at the Q&A later.
OK, so I've endured the Q&A, in which Birbalsingh was ably assisted by the Deputy Chair of the Social Mobility Commission, Alun Francis. I'm not going to involve him in this #THREAD because - unlike with Birbalsingh - I know next to nothing about him.
I was previously unaware of the very telling fact that the Social Mobility Commission was originally established as the Child Poverty Commission by the Child Poverty Act 2010, then re-titled the Social Mobility & Child Poverty Commission following the Welfare Reform Act 2012.
The SMC is supposedly an "independent" statutory body, which assumed its current name following the Welfare Reform & Work Act 2016. A statutory body is set up by law (statute) that is authorised to implement certain legislation on behalf of the Government.
Imho, given that Birbalsigh is SMC Chair, the claim of 'independence' is as laughable as the claim that the @BBC Chair Richard Sharp - who "gave" the Tory Party 3400,000 & was appointed by the Tory Government - is in any way, shape or form an 'independent' appointment.
A Parliamentary publication about culture war crank Birbalsingh's appointment as Chair of the SMC makes very interesting reading: "Katharine Birbalsingh is a bold and interesting choice for Chair of the Social Mobility Commission." Not half!
KB "has forthright views on education, which she has robustly defended against opposition from within the sector... as Chair of the SMC she will need to demonstrate her ability to listen to, & work collegiately with, colleagues & stakeholders with whom she will not always agree."
"We note her relatively narrow field of experience in secondary education. Her answers to our questions invariably returned to the importance of education, particularly the setting of high expectations & standards of behaviour, & parental responsibility."
What, no nationalism?
"Her vision for social mobility beyond the sphere of education was much less clear.. she will need further support from a wide range of fellow Commissioners with diverse backgrounds, knowledge & experience across all relevant areas of social policy & sectors of the economy." 😬
OK then, the Q&A.
The first question is about what works well in terms of addressing issues in education
Birbalsingh starts by emphasising how much she positively relishes the fact that if you Google “who is the strictest headmistress in the world’, her name comes up. 😬
She says the poor behaviour of some children can ruin their life chances & people at the Policy Exchange world “don’t realise how poor the behaviour can be” (although it won’t be as harmful & divisive as the behaviour of Policy Exchange & other free-market think tanks).
Birbalsingh says “when it comes to improving schools, the number one thing we need to do is get on top of the behaviour… I wear that badge with pride (being the strictest headmistress).”
I would suggest that 'child wellbeing', might actually be "the number one thing."
She starts rambling about agency again, which is Birbalsingh's go-to word because it disregards/downplays the myriad structural factors which inhibit social mobility, & places emphasis on the individual. Imho this is a manifestation of the neoliberal ideology infecting the world.
“Children have agency & adults also have agency & that people often nowadays, we speak... as if no one has any agency & if you’re born into privilege you will end up privileged & if you’re born in a disadvantaged group therefore, you’re going to be disadvantaged forever”.
She then starts going on about families again – “families who are very committed to education” – she talks about her school’s “Gold Parenting Sessions” where parents are invited to the school & some come, & some don’t. She doesn't offer any reasons why parents might not attend.
“The ones that come hear my advice on what they should be doing at home with their child… the parents who turn up are often the ones maximising their potential.” The implication is that the parents who for whatever reason don't follow her orders are letting their children down.
For all her talk about the importance of robust & nuanced evidence, she stresses that the positive results she sees from her actions regarding parents “is just anecdotal” & she’ll be gathering evidence to prove these points (that’s really not how evidence works).
Question two is from a social mobility adviser at PWC, who wants advice on “how to provide authentic support”. Birbalsingh says that as society looks down on the “left behind”, we need to encourage the idea of people “enjoying what they do” – “not everybody wants to be a lawyer”.
The last questions are too turgid to even go into (watch the video if you can be arsed), but entirely predictably, a very posh sounding person asks for Birbalsingh's advice on “how we challenge the victimhood narrative”.😬
Birbalsignh: “we’re all about agency which is the opposite of the victimhood mantra. So we want to change that narrative around victimhood & make it so that people understand & are inspired by those who buck the trend & through agency are able to change their stars.” Jesus wept.
And if you want some inspiration about what to do about the current shit-show, here's the words of Frederick Douglass, an inspirational man pupils are extremely unlikely to hear about in Birbalsingh's school, because she'd almost certainly dismiss it as 'woke victimhood'.
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Tice amplifies this article by Allison Pearson, which is riddled with factual errors, misleading claims, selective omissions, and hyperbolic sensationalism which attempts to recast Lucy Connolly not as a bigot lawfully convicted of inciting racial hatred, but as a victim.
The Telegraph piece isn’t news reporting or balanced commentary - it’s propagandistic advocacy: a highly opinionated defence that relies on cherry-picked extracts from Connolly’s subject access request (SAR), filtered through anonymous barrister commentary and Pearson’s biases.
Where this narrative collides with or contradicts published court judgments, sentencing remarks, and appeal outcomes, attention-seeking propagandist Pearson predictably either downplays, distorts, or completely ignores them.
I've got 10 minutes, so here are the main problems...
@elonmusk isn’t offering his 200M followers serious political analysis: he’s amplifying repeatedly debunked far-right disinformation and presenting it as evidence that a democratic state is illegitimate. He’s dangerously out of control.
The claim about arrests for online comments that Musk boosted originated with anonymous far-right disinformation superspreaer account, “Basil the Great”, well known for passing off unverified rumours as fact when there is zero supporting evidence.
Musk’s latest misleading post centres on a striking but deeply misleading graphic asserting that the UK has “the highest number of arrests for online comments in the world”.
I debunked it September and will now do so again today.
Reform UK’s slick, stage-managed launch of a Christian Fellowship in St Michael’s Church is not some harmless Christmas-season publicity stunt. It is a clear and brazen step towards the Trumpification of UK politics, where religion is weaponised as a tool for cultural warfare and political mobilisation.
This is not organic Christian revival. It’s strategic political engineering.
Behind this development sit figures who have spent years trying to inject a US-style fusion of right-wing politics and religious identity into British political culture:
• Paul Marshall
A billionaire media financier with a clear ideological project: to build a hard-right cultural and religious counter-establishment. Through GB “News”, The |Spectator and UnHerd and other platforms he has amplified narratives about “woke attacks” on tradition, identity, and Christianity. The Islamophobic tweets he liked are disgusting. His network provides the media oxygen for precisely the kind of politicised Christianity on display at the Reform launch.
• James Orr
A Cambridge academic and prominent Anglican conservative intellectual, closely connected to the “post-liberal” movement and hard-right US conservative and Hungarian organisations. Orr openly promotes the idea of restoring Britain’s “Christian identity” through politics — a framing that sits uncomfortably close to the Christian-nationalist rhetoric of the US right. His advisory role to senior Reform figures is a clear sign of the ideological hardening underway.
• Danny Kruger
Long known for advocating a more “muscular” Christian politics, Kruger has repeatedly argued that the UK should explicitly root its laws and social policy in “Judeo-Christian values” - a dog whistle I explain in the next tweet.
This is the British echo of US culture-war evangelicalism: turning religion into a political badge, not a spiritual or moral tradition. His involvement in shaping Reform’s policy direction cements the party’s shift toward faith-infused populism.
• Calvin Robinson
Though no longer in the Church of England, disgraced former GBN presenter and political extremist Robinson remains one of the most prominent voices pushing an aggressive “anti-woke, anti-liberal” form of Christianity in the media — including endorsing narratives that paint inclusive or progressive churches as heretical. His alignment with Reform’s messaging shows how the party is deliberately courting polemical, grievance-driven Christian activism.
Together, these figures represent a new coalition: a British attempt to import the US religious-right model, with all its corrosive social consequences.
Using St Michael’s Cornhill — a church rooted in the conservative evangelical network — as the backdrop for this political spectacle is shocking in a UK context.
This is not merely a “religious event attended by politicians.” It was a political rally held in a church, wrapped in Anglican aesthetics.
The Church of England has historically avoided such political entanglement precisely because it knows how dangerous it is to let a religious institution become a vessel for partisan identity politics.
Britain is not America — but Reform UK wants to change that
What we are seeing is the deliberate construction of a political identity rooted in far-right themes lurching toward a contemporary form of Christofascism:
grievance Christianity
nostalgia for a mythic “Christian Britain”
hostility to minorities and multiculturalism
anti-LGBTQ+ theology rebranded as “family values”
anti-immigrant populism framed as moral duty
and a narrative of cultural siege identical to the US evangelical right
It is the Trump playbook, translated into British idiom.
This is disturbing, because once a political movement fuses religious identity with national identity, democratic debate changes: Opponents are no longer wrong — they are heretical. Policies are no longer argued — they are sanctified. Compromise becomes betrayal. And politics becomes a zero-sum culture war.
Britain has largely avoided this polarising poison. Reform UK is now trying to inject it directly into the bloodstream of national politics.
Reform UK’s “Christian Fellowship” is not about faith. It is the public unveiling of a British Christian-nationalist project — backed by wealthy ideologues, amplified by culture-war media, and borrowing heavily from the most divisive elements of the US right.
It is a serious warning sign of where Reform UK intends to take the country: toward a politics defined by religious grievance, cultural division, and the erosion of the pluralistic norms that have protected Britain from the worst excesses of American political extremism.
How have populist UK politicians and Britain’s right-wing press and broadcasters got away with repeating — day after day, year after year — the brazenly false and wildly misleading claim that we live in a “high-welfare, high-tax” country?
The claim that Britain is a “high-welfare, high-tax” country is a shameless lie—brazenly false—as OECD and OBR data consistently show: the UK's tax take is ~36% of GDP (mid-table globally, and well under the EU average of 40.5%).
The UK's total tax take of 36% is far under France's 45% or Denmark's 46%. Welfare benefits spending (including state pensions) is a modest ~11% of GDP—among the lowest in the OECD, well below the EU average of 17.5%, and just under half that of France (20.5%) and Italy (20%).
Not only has Nigel Farage shamelessly normalized far right discourse, but Reform UK have welcomed a new generation of young, radicalised, Andrew Tate fanboys who think it's acceptable to spread divisive bigoted lies and disinformation, and to make crass bigoted 'jokes'.
Joseph Boam is a radicalised 22-year-old Tate fanboy who started out as a Tory, running as a district councillor, then switching to Reform UK in 2024 and becoming a councillor in May 2025 representing the Whitwick division on Leicestershire County Council for the Reform UK party.
A former KFC worker, who has worked with his dad on sheds and property renovation, despite his total lack of any relevant experience or knowledge of the area, he was appointed Council deputy leader and cabinet member for adult social care—which ispatently absurd.
Across the West, figures such as Trump, JD Vance, Farage, Johnson, Tice, Kruger, and Lowe helped normalise far-right populist rhetoric within mainstream politics. Their appeal is anti-elite—yet they themselves embody the privilege they claim to challenge.