@JustinTrudeau@BorisJohnson, @MBuhari and 32 other heads of state will attend; they have not spoken out. In my discussions with diplomats, the reluctance is because "we don't have the facts." Given the huge moral and financial support of #CHOGM to GoR, that is not good enough.
Yet, there are strong indications of this support. I have spoken with people who have seen troops cross back and forth the Rwandan border, with people who have interviewed M23 defectors, and with people who have close friends in the M23. They say material support has taken place.
The UN Group of Experts on the DRC, which published its latest report on June 14, reports of M23 recruitment in Rwanda and Uganda, where many M23 have been since their defeat in 2013. documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/…
This would probably be difficult, especially in Rwanda, without government complicity. That same UN report also speaks (para 67) of "individuals wearing uniforms of the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF)" in M23 camps in Congo. I have also heard of similar drone footage from MONUSCO.
Simple logic is also useful: if Rwanda wanted to bring an end to the M23––even if it was not supporting them––it would be able to do so quickly. The M23 in April was still located on several hills rights next to Rwanda and Uganda.
These have not been small skirmishes, the M23 have been able to withstand weeks of fighting, capture the largest military camp in North Kivu, as well as the Bunagana border crossing and block the Goma-Butembo road. They need supply lines.
None of this is 100% confirmed. But it will take weeks to do the on-the-ground research necessary to firm this up. The UN Group will probably not return for weeks to come. Is this not at the very least enough to express doubts, deploy intel capabilities, question the government?
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
With major fighting underway north of Goma, what are main takeaways? A 🧵.
The resurgence of the M23 is in part linked to the launch of Operation Shujaa, the Ugandan military operation launched in November 2021 with the Congolese army and extended now. reuters.com/world/africa/u…
Those operations were triggered by a terrorist attack in Kampala in November 2021. Contrary to UPDF assertions, the operations have not decreased the operational capacity of the ADF. Massacres continue The ADF seem to have been displaced, not broken.
I want to come back to this report we published at @GEC_CRG. At the center of any discussion of development/emancipation of the Congolese people is money. The Congo is rich, yet is poor. (THREAD)
The entire country's budget is around $5bn. That is TINY. Malta (pop. 525K) has a larger budget, as does Seattle (pop. 720K). The UN peacekeeping mission there has a budget 3x larger than gov's health or defence budget.
80% of budget goes to salaries, servicing public debt, and the functioning of institutions. $358mn of that was for presidency in 2021. Little is left for rebuilding the state and public services.
(THREAD DU LIVRE N°2)
Mon livre fournit quelques leçons générales pour les conflits. Je soutiens que la guerre congolaise est portée par son propre élan, elle est devenue une fin en soi. La violence est devenue systémique, dépassant les intentions d'un seul acteur.
Mais au cœur de tout cela se trouve l'État congolais, le plus important des plus de 120 belligérants présents aujourd'hui. Quels sont les intérêts de cet État ? Je soutiens que ces intérêts doivent être étudiés, et non pas supposés ou ignorés. (2/14)
L'attitude des élites a été marquée par une "involution" : la reproduction et intensification de la violence, malgré le coût pour la population et alors que d'autres approches auraient pu être plus bénéfiques pour ces mêmes élites. (3/14)
(THREAD) Ekomi ! Mon livre sur la phase récente du conflit congolais est sorti chez press.princeton.edu/books/hardcove… Il pose la question: pourquoi le conflit a persisté malgré un accord de paix, des milliards d'investissement et la + grande mission de maintien de la paix au monde.
J'espère que ce livre intéressera tous ceux qui s'intéressent au Congo, ainsi que les étudiants en conflit et en consolidation de la paix. (2/7)
L'accord de paix de 2003 a été transformateur : il a permis de forger une nouvelle constitution, de démobiliser 130 000 soldats et de mettre en place une série de nouvelles institutions : parlements locaux et nationaux, nouveaux tribunaux et organes de contrôle. (3/7)
(BOOK THREAD#2)
My book provides some general lessons for conflicts. I argue that Congolese war is carried forward by its own momentum, it has become an end in itself. Violence has become systemic, exceeding the intentions of any one actor.
However, at the heart of this is the Congolese state, the most important of the 120+ belligerents present today. What are the interests of this state? I argue that these interests need to be studied, not assumed or ignored. (2/14)
Elites attitudes have been marked by involution: reproducing and intensifying violence, despite the cost of the population and even though other approaches could have been more beneficial to those same elites. (3/14)
Imefika! My book on the recent phase of the Congolese conflict is out from @princetonupress. press.princeton.edu/books/hardcove… It asks why conflict has persisted despite a comprehensive peace deal, billions of $ of investment and the largest peacekeeping mission in the world. (THREAD)
I hope the book is of interest to anyone interested in Congo, as well as students of conflict and peacebuilding. (2/7)
My Congo-specific argument: In 2003 a peace deal was transformational: it forged a new constitution, demobilized 130,000 soldiers, and ushered in a raft of new institutions: local and national parliaments, new courts and oversight bodies. (3/7)