#EU_Gas_Sanctions: France shares Germany's concerns about a total gas cut-off by Russia in the coming months. This seemed like an inevitable scenario more than 4 months ago, when Russia started the war against Ukraine. One of the main conditions that determined Moscow (long 🧵)⤵️
to initiate the aggression was precisely the situation in the gas market. More precisely, we are talking about the interplay between the huge structural dependence of the vast majority of EU states on Russian gas and the skyrocketing prices of energy sources throughout 2021. ⤵️
However, the EU's focus was mainly on the development of sanctions, including on energy, and not on a serious risk assessment with immediate preparations for the worst gas cut scenario. The assumption that Russia will not cut off gas supplies before the EU embargo will kick-off⤵️
was a naive miscalculation. Now the EU is in a gas deficit situation before winter. Sanctioning gas imports is off the table (for any of the future sanctions packages), while the gradual oil embargo is in danger too. The French opposition (Le Pen) has already claimed that ⤵️
the sanctions harm the French population more than Russia (and that France buys oil from India that procures it from Russia). A similar anti-sanctions populism will only grow in size and, with it, an anti-sanctions dissociation within the EU is very likely to be heard. ⤵️
As I wrote yesterday, Moscow is waging a war of attrition against Ukraine (on the ground) as well as against the EU (in the economic field through retaliation with its energy weapon). Zelensky has mentioned plans for a counterattack in the south, but the outcome is hard to ⤵️
predict, especially given the worrisome forecasts about the difficulties on the battleground in the fall. As many, myself included, were looking at how Russia is adapting to sanctions, a similar exercise should be done for the EU in the field of energy. ⤵️
At least two populist discourses focused on sanctions and energy nationalism could soon spread, with another taking indirect aim at Ukraine (which is forced by Russian aggression to demand sanctions and security guarantees from the EU and NATO). ⤵️
The EU has promised to stand behind Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression but must devise a plan for its own recovery that takes into account the costs of the war (reflecting aid to Ukraine), the collateral damage of the sanctions (and self-sanctioning) and ⤵️
energy/gas decoupling from Russia. This must be done in parallel with the preparation for post-war assistance to Ukraine. Assuming that only optimistic scenarios can unfold is unwise and contradicts the strategic autonomy thinking incorporated in the Strategic Compass. (END)
I really don't want to write "I said so", but that's it. EU institutions and governments should invest in risk assessment and hire the right people (coming from regions that threaten the EU and providing unbiased analysis). Otherwise, strategic autonomy is just an illusion.
#Ukraine_EU: The country needs about $5 billion a month to spend on defense and social spending. The EU has promised to deliver a billion euros or 9 times less than previously promised. Germany rejects the idea of lending money to Ukraine as part of EU joint bonds issued ⤵️
to obtain financing on int. markets for the post-COVID-19 recovery. The frugal features of Germany come to life (again). As winter approaches, others are likely to join the German opposition (Austria and the Netherlands are the usual suspects). Without German approval, the EU ⤵️
cannot lend money to Ukraine, which risks defaulting on $900 million in debts in the fall. Russia is waging a war of attrition in Ukraine on the ground and "at distance" against the EU, which has acknowledged that sanctions are hurting the European (not just Russian) economy.⤵️
#Ukraine_Germany: Zelensky's decision to remove Melnyk as ambassador to Germany indicates Kyiv's interest in strengthening political dialogue with Berlin. This makes even more sense now that Johnson is stepping down, which will inevitably draw the UK's attention to internal ⤵️
problems. However, inconvenient as Melnyk was, his direct approach, atypical for diplomacy, caused changes in the German public narrative on taboo topics related to Russia. After learning many painful lessons about its dependencies on Russia, Germany has no choice but to⤵️
quickly adapt to new geopolitical realities. This, among others, includes helping Ukrainians at home and abroad (about 800,000 refugees are hosted by Germany alone) and consolidating Ukraine’s defense ahead the approaching cold autumn-winter.
#Ukraine_Moldova_Georgia: The highest public support for EU membership is found in Ukraine and Georgia (>80%). In the former, the population has put EU integration at the heart of the defense war against Russian aggression. All interested parties are united around the central⤵️
authorities of Kyiv. Georgia has witnessed the largest demonstration in the last decade, which brought together 160,000 people, without any monopoly over the citizens’ mobilization by political parties (of which the majority face public mistrust, both in the ruling party⤵️
and in the opposition). Compared to the previous two, Moldova is in a different position: public simpathy for EU membership is below 60% and its public demonstration is heavily suppressed by the low popularity of the pro-EU government (around 25 % or half of support for the EU)⤵️
#EU_Russia: Borrell's statements about Lithuania's application of the sanctions regime sound disjointed and unconvincing in terms of preventing Russian pressure on Vilnius. He insists that Lithuania is applying EU sanctions (which is correct). They restrict the transport⤵️
to/from Kaliningrad of a very specific category of goods in transit through Lithuania. Borrell admitted that Vilnius has guidelines provided by the Commission, after consultations. After saying that, he suggests double-checking if the correct guidelines were given to Lithuania.⤵️
In addition, the head of EU diplomacy announced that he will double check the compatibility between sanctions and the law (probably hinting at the 2002 transit agreement with Russia). First, it is imperative that the EU see if there is any discrepancy between sanctions⤵️
#Georgia: Peaceful pro-EU rally takes place in Tbilisi. The ordinary citizens are the main protagonists, not the political parties. This is one of the largest manifestations of pro-EU sentiments of Georgians in years in an attempt to draw the attention of Brussels.
My Georgian friends tell me that people are up for two things: the EU candidacy and early parliamentary elections.
#EU_Russia: This week's tensions between theo-geopolitical players will unfold around three main themes: 1) The EU Council's decision on the EU candidacy of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia will make Moscow uncomfortable, even if it denies it. Meanwhile, Russia announced new⤵️
attacks on Ukraine's Lugansk region to occupy Severodonetsk and Lysichansk, facing counterattacks from Ukraine. Russia's intensified military action could also be used to incentivize the Eurosceptics to lower the candidacy offer to Ukraine. This may also have a negative⤵️
indirect effect on Moldova and Georgia. It is worth observing whether the results of the French parliamentary elections can mark the candidacy prospects of Eastern Europeans. 2) Lithuania could feel increased and new pressure from Russia to implement sanctions on the transit⤵️