Ben Raue Profile picture
Nov 6 6 tweets 3 min read
For today's blog post I'm analysing how three-cornered contests between ALP, Greens and Coalition play out with different preference flows between the parties. This chart shows who would win with a given 3CP based on different preference scenarios #VicVotes #springst Image
For this chart I looked at how preferences from the Liberal Party flowed at the 2018 election and plotted out a bunch of Greens contests from 2014 and 2018. You can see how an increased Greens vote could still see them lose if it also involves the Liberal Party dropping into 3rd. Image
And for this one, I looked at Greens contests from federal and QLD elections. Liberal preferences flowed more strongly to the ALP at the 2022 federal election. Image
But this isn't always the case! The LNP preferenced the Greens in South Brisbane in 2020, and ~63% of LNP voters followed that advice. Likewise about 78% of Liberal voters preferenced Adam Bandt in 2010, which led to the Libs changing policy for the last decade.
But there are now reports that the Liberals may preference Greens over Labor which would shift the graph to look more like this, and would mean a dropping Liberal vote would help the Greens, not harm them. Image
Here's the blog post: tallyroom.com.au/50310

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More from @benraue

Jul 14
I’m not an expert on whether the CPRS was good policy but I know a bit about politics and the theory that the Greens voting against the CPRS led to “a decade of climate action” is just fantasy based on a specific alternative history.
A fantasy where the “climate wars” were ended in 2009 and Labor’s govt lasted in majority much longer than it did. All lost because of one Senate vote in 2009.
Firstly, the CPRS was a creature of a hostile Senate. Labor’s only path to a majority without the Coalition required the Greens, Nick Xenophon and the far right Steve Fielding of Family First.
Read 16 tweets

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