It was certainly plausible to think that John Fetterman would have a uniquely strong performance among white working-class or rural Pennsylvanians but... that didn't turn out to be the case at all?🤷♀️
The results are especially striking because surely holding everything equal, one would expect Doug Mastriano's appeal to be strongest in the rural+rust belt areas that swung hard in support of Donald Trump: & Oz to be more appealing in the upscale/moderate/cosmopolitan suburbs?
The darker green counties here are the ones where Shapiro outperformed Fetterman most strongly: which is the same as saying, where Oz outperformed Mastriano most strongly. SCPA/the capitol region, Bucks, but also Cambria, Westmoreland, Butler, Erie🤷♀️
The light yellow counties are where Fetterman came closes to hitting Shapiro's numbers—or Mastriano came closest to Oz's. So: the very very rural northern tier, Philadelphia, & Pike & Monroe (which, given proximity to NJ, is kind of funny).
There was a bizarre week October when multiple reporters wanted to ask me if Fetterman was "doing enough" to win voters in Philly & I was like: I am not a campaign manager, who knows! The CW clearly was that Philly wd be Fetterman's weak spot; actually it was one of his strongest
So: lots of things going on at once. If I had to guess, I'd say the core drivers are something like this👇. And maybe regions w/lots of NJ expats weren't too keen on voting for another?
(Kidding about that last part.) (Although, actually...🤔)
I'm not saying Fetterman working for every vote everywhere didn't matter. On the contrary I keep saying showing up everywhere *does* matter👇This week confirms there's not just one Dem ideological/stylistic route to win rural/rustbelt voters. Use them all! pennlive.com/news/2022/11/a…
Updating my fancy graphic to reflect smart place-specific insights from comments. This seems plausible
More place-based reminders from @Dani_PA & @melwedde 👇 Josh Shapiro's back-to-basics "make government help"//"fight the right enemies" long game
@Dani_PA@melwedde 👇this is like the most lukewarm take ever, but does help me understand how both sides of the Run progressives!/Run moderates! debates can have lived experiences telling them they are right🤷♀️
@Dani_PA@melwedde Ok adding this for the true PA data geeks who've hung on this far: w/in Allegheny County (so, holding TV ad spend constant) *both* Shapiro & Fetterman overperformed Biden most in the most rural & Republican areas: Shapiro at least in part by persuasion, earning 12% more raw votes
Shapiro's overperformace above Fetterman (comparing each to Biden baseline) was strongest in the Trumpiest precincts in the county. In contrast, Fetterman actually *outran* Shapiro in Biden's best precincts (=heavily African American urban core)
No one is #onhere saying talk to the short Jewish guy about how to win back Trump voters, & ask John Fetterman about how being associated w/criminal justice reform can help Dems stem their losses among urban core voters but... that would be a reasonable read of the #s before us?
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This🧵is going to be about PA voter registration trends but let me start here. The thing about our beautiful commonwealth is: it's made up of a bunch of different kinds of places whose politics are being pulled in opposite directions. Start w this map, using @AmcommPro categories
@AmCommPro Teal=Rural. (Fun fact: PA has the 3rd largest rural pop., in absolute terms, in the whole USA!)
Green="Middle Suburbs." Think Rust Belt: aging ex-industrial.
Orange=Urban suburbs: diverse, dense, educated.
Yellow=exurbs: less dense, less diverse, relatively wealthy.
Pink=Big City
@AmCommPro Each of these county-types accounts for a meaningful chunk of population: by 2023 stats, Urban Suburbs are home to 26% of PA's pop; Rural 20% [or ~23% if you add the 2 smaller rural categories to it], MiddleSuburb (=Ex-Industrial) 18%, Exurbs 17%, Big City (=Philadelphia) 12%
to appreciate the scale of Dems' statewide success this wk you have to cast your mind back to the distant past of... Nov 2021, at whch point it looked fully possible the PA electorate would keep speeding rightward twice as fast as it had lurched left after the election of DJTrump
Here's an even clearer metric I ended up with, one that captures turnout shifts as well as vote choice swings: change in net votes by county, averaged across statewide candidates each year to create something close to generic Dem v generic Rep results
In Delco, Montco, Philly & Allegheny Dems had hung on to some anti-Trump era gains, but pretty much everywhere else* across the state—most impactfully in Bucks, SCPA, & the big non-Allegheny counties of SWPA--Republicans were ascendant
Return of the 2018 Coalition, On Steroids (A Quick Thread on 2022 in Pennsylvania Before this Website Collapses).
tl;dr After Dobbs, the suburbs' anti-Dem realignment screeched to a halt & the anti-Trump realignment returned
Lots of things happened around the end of June: Dobbs, bipartisan bills, gas prices coming down, Jan 6 hearings gaining news. The exact proportions of which had an impact on who may remain up for debate. But what's clear is things changed & stayed changed
The geography of voter reg trend shifts was striking: Dems stopped hemorrhaging voters in PA's "Middle Suburb"/once-industrial counties: & went back to posting 2016-18 style gains in PA's upscale/cosmopolitan "Urban Suburb" counties
This👇is not wrong! But note it's not just a demographic thing. The state & local organizations created/recreated by the anti-Trump grassroots ran through the tape for downballot Dems this year: even while hearing (& believing!) national voices foretelling doom
National voices #onhere have not yet processed what a stunning year this was for downballot Dems in PA. The inverse of 2020, when the presidential result distracted attention from PA Dems' grim downballot slide. PA lived the midterm backlash 2 ys early!💪
Because you are all about to realize you need to know this: in 2021 Democratic PA Supreme Court candidate Maria McLaughlin's share of provisional ballots in both Lehigh & Northampton counties was exactly 20 ppt higher than her share of EDay+Mail votes in each.
So back in August @Mlsif & I wrote a thing. Most normal people who read it only focused on what we said about apocalyptic emails (& agreed), while natl groups that run postcard-writing programs only focused on what we said about postcards (& disagreed) BUT nytimes.com/2022/08/01/opi…
...the core of the piece wasn't about either of those things. It was about what a better way of building Democratic connections to volunteers AND to voters would look like: one in which communication runs laterally between them, building local knowledge & local capacity over time
We described how local activists gained knowledge of the electorate around them, & on that basis recruited candidates+prioritized tactics: not just "honing the message" to work locally, but *creating the messengers* who could effectively deliver it. In 2021 they battled to a draw