The long-awaited Ouseley report into closed material proceedings has now been published. tl;dr - CMPs have enabled more cases to be tried, but special advocates need better resources.assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/upl…
Most of the concerns expressed during the passage of the #JSA2013 are found not to have been realised in practice. But there are 20 practical recommendations for improvement of the system. /2
Credit to @AMcC_KC in particular for securing acknowledgement of the difficulties faced by special advocates in making CMPs as fair as they can be. Ouseley’s recommendations need to be swiftly acted upon in the interests of justice. /4
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I've been looking at the Foreign Influence Registration Scheme, added in its current form to the #NationalSecurityBill on the last day of its passage through the Commons. No html version available yet but it's Part 3 (ss 62-81) of the Bill: bills.parliament.uk/publications/4…. /1
I think I understand why the activities of specified persons (e.g. China, Russia, Iran and entities they control) need to be registered (cll 62-65). Hostile states need careful watching and hopefully this (and the penalties for non-compliance) will help. /2
Less obvious is why ALL governments and ALL bodies incorporated outside the UK should be required to register "political influence activities" including contacting an MP or issuing public communications aimed at influencing UK government decisions (cll 66-70). /3
The #NIProtocolBill is here, together with the claimed legal “justification” which is the doctrine of necessity. Sounds thin to me, not to say threadbare. gov.uk/government/new…
In short - necessity rarely excuses a breach, and only when (inter alia) the State’s act is the only way to safeguard an essential interest against a grave and imminent peril, and when no other essential interest is seriously impaired by the breach: jusmundi.com/en/document/wi…
Useful 🧵 on today’s #CJEU Dwyer judgment - a notorious murder in Ireland that was only solved because location data was routinely saved for 2 yrs in case police needed access in a criminal investigation. /1
This enabled the crime to be pinned on a previously unsuspected architect, whose professional movements over a long period corresponded with those of the incriminating phone. /2
I was an expert witness in the case so will not comment further on a judgment that largely follows #CJEU precedent, whatever you think of it (other approaches are available: see #ECtHR). /3
Some would have preferred to remove clause 9 altogether - but given the national security reasons advanced for it (and the flat rejection of numerous other @UKHouseofLords amendments), that was never going to be accepted by the Govt or the elected House. /2
Others would have liked to curtail the substantive citizenship deprivation power, perhaps by taking it back to its 2003 limits: I had some sympathy for this, but it was never voted on and is a much broader issue than the clause 9 issue of withholding notice. /3
Why was the power to deprive on “conducive to the public good” grounds exercised more than 100 times in 2017, far more than in any other year (though figures for 2019-2021 are not yet available)?
And an interesting admission that the notification requirement which HMG seeks to remove by clause 9 of the bill has only once stood in the way of the deprivation power (in the D4 case which @SayeedaWarsi and I referred to in our 2nd reading speeches hansard.parliament.uk/Lords/2022-01-…).
Furore over HMG public order defeats should not distract from other important changes to #PCSCBill made by @UKHouseofLords last night: urgent review into spiking and injections,making misogyny an aggravating factor in sentencing many crimes (as a racial element already is) … /1
… imposing a statutory duty duty of candour on police, and scrapping the Vagrancy Act 1824 which makes it a crime to beg or sleep rough. /2
Those changes will go back to @HouseofCommons, which can accept them, amend them or play us at ping-pong (which they always win if they are sufficiently determined: we always defer in the end to the elected House). /3