It's button press day in #VicVotes - not really democracy as such but it can still be fun! I will tweet the provisional results as I get them and this page will have both provisional results and commentary on the distributions once I've analysed them:
Just a reminder: these are provisional outcomes; the results are not declared yet, the distributions have to be examined to determine if there is any scope for recounts etc (though I don't expect any in the three that have come through yet). #vicvotes
Coming up now is SE Metro which has been the hardest one to model and where the last seat between Liberals and Lib Dems could go either way and the count will need to be examined to see how close it is (whoever wins).
Of the previous non-Greens crossbench of 10, 2 have provisionally been re-elected.
Consistent with general pattern that MPs who get elected by preference harvesting usually don't get re-elected, destroying any claim that Group Ticket Voting elects on merit.
Provisionally below the line voting busted 2 preference spirals to win from well behind for candidates who would have won if all votes were ATL. 6 still succeeded (not counting Somyurek who was the primary vote leader and may or may not have won anyway).
Still waiting for the preference distributions to go online. Regions will be declared from 6 pm if no issues are identified.
Limbrick won by 2615 votes!
W Metro very close but not recount territory in the final margin at least. Luu beat Finn by 210.
Greens must have done way better than LC on BTLs in W Vic, they win by 2870.
L Cann over Vic Soc in W Metro by 1788 votes, not surprising.
There don't seem to be any final margins close enough to trigger recounts - there might in theory still be something like a surplus-crossing tipping point so still need to check some more.
Note that while Bourman came from well behind to win via Group Tickets it's very possible he would have caught the Greens under a Senate style system based on preferencing patterns in his region. So it is not clear that that is an unfair result.
It is looking like Limbrick won by so much because he picked up heaps of BTLs off right (especially) micros even when they did not direct ATLs to him (not surprising given lockdown issues). Leakage out of Liberal ticket also helped.
Luu vs Finn panned out almost exactly as my modelling expected, save that Finn doing slightly better than Luu on BTLs made it closer but not close enough.
As noted here Limbrick's win is down not just to Group Ticket Voting but also to Victoria persisting with the undemocratic Inclusive Gregory system for surplus transfers.
I also get that Luu beat Finn as a result of this undemocratic feature but in that case it cancelled out a win that would only have been caused by GTVs anyway, so a case of two undemocratic features cancelling each other out.
This Inclusive Gregory nonsense (a convenience relic from the manual count days) also persists in the Senate though with the abolition of GTV its chances to bite are somewhat reduced. Any MP who does not support fixing it should resign.
I've now written up about as much about the mechanics of the individual counts as I expect to write on the button press thread, which is here: kevinbonham.blogspot.com/2022/12/victor…
I haven't seen anything unusual that has happened with the structure of the counts or anything that would cause them to be challenged - unless anyone else has I'm assuming the 8 declarations are imminent.
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That said in 2006 (first year of this system) the VEC agreed to recounts with margins of 76 and 114 and the latter changed the margin by ... 205!
Group ticket voting counts can be prone to errors where #1 votes are mistabulated. Here's one I found from the final (quite close) Tas 2013 Senate count six years later.
This is actually not a valid objection by itself. After the four quotas, Labour DLP has the highest remainder. Babet won fair and square in the Senate off a similar vote.
The issues here aren't Somyurek's primary vote, they are:
1. Should the name "Labour DLP" which causes confusion be banned?
2. Did group ticket voting, by causing massive ballot papers, amplify name recognition confusion that inflated Labour DLP's vote?
(cont'd)
3. Perhaps on the primary votes cast Somyurek would still have beaten the left in a voter-directed preference system. It's impossible to say. But Group Ticket Voting is depriving the left of a fair fight because of all the Druery party prefs going to Somyurek.
I've commented about "enjoys the high life" before. The Courier-Mail clearly loves this question but it's not clear if the voters who say yes to it see it as a negative. Would they commission this question if the incumbent was a man?
"Shock result if election held today" coming in an hour might be more interesting - we will see!
If the pollster had looked at the preference flow from Ripon 2014 they would not have made that assumption re Bass (if they had the actual Bass primaries in front of them).
ALP 35.10
LIB 32.75
NAT 18.33
GRN 7.13
Right micros 6.7
Liberal 2PP was only 50.75%
The 3CP preference flow from NAT to LIB in Ripon 2014 was 69.3%. In Bass 2022 it was 68.8%. In both cases the NAT had the donkey vote which flowed to Labor, and also quite a few of their 3CP votes were not their own. (more so in Bass 2022).
In the People's Socialist Republic of Brunswick, of the 55.2% of voters who ranked the Greens ahead of both major parties, 94.6% ranked Labor ahead of the Liberals. (I may have similar figures for other such divisions later.)
If Labor doesn't contest Narracan that's it, if they do it will almost certainly come down a bit.
The swing on the raw 2PPs is 2.39 to Coalition but that's not comparing like with like as Richmond was not a 2PP seat in 2018 and Narracan may or may not be one in 2022. The swing excluding these two seats is 2.79%.
As noted there appears to be an issue with the 2PP for Pascoe Vale. I think if it is corrected the current 2PP may come down to about 54.85. I'm still working on Lower House writeup but will probably hold off releasing to see if this changes.