Travel in the ancient and medieval Roman world came with a twist: trips of greater distance could be accomplished in less time than trips of shorter distance depending on certain variables. Read this 🧵 for the general rules of Roman travel time. #Roman#Byzantine#History
I once described the journey from Constantinople to Dara in Mesopotamia as "particularly cumbersome." The itinerary that best combined comfort and speed was to sail from Constantinople around the coast of Anatolia to Seleukia by the Sea, and then proceed overland to Dara.
This trip covered ~2,150 kilometers and took about 18 days. This trip was about the longest one could take and still be within the Eastern Roman Empire. The map below shows routes from Constantinople to other major sites within the empire which were ALL shorter in duration.
In particular, it is worth highlighting the trip from Constantinople to the great port city of Alexandria in Egypt. This trip of 1,500 kilometers could be covered in 8 days (188 km/day). In comparison, our starter trip of Constantinople to Dara had an average pace of 119 km/day.
In other words, the trip from Constantinople to Alexandria proceeded at more than a 50% faster rate of travel than the trip from Constantinople to Dara. Why was that the case? The answer is our golden rule for Roman travel: sea travel was generally faster.
Because of this, travel between port cities that utilizes sail is almost always going to be faster than inland travel that requires the use of foot or horse. Therefore on the map, distances that are greater by distance may actually have much shorter travel duration.
Take for instance the routes from Constantinople to Niš (723km) and Constantinople to Samos (735km). They are nearly the same distance, but the former is a land route that takes 12 days of travel via horseback, while the latter is a sea route that takes 4.3 days of sailing.
There were a few caveats to this general rule. First, sea travel could prove hazardous, particularly in winter or if there was a major storm. Second, if the wind died, sea travel became considerably slower. Third, overland routes could be faster if the imperial post was used.
The imperial post, which allowed a traveler to make upwards of 200-250 km/day along roads dotted with stables if the traveler switched to a fresh horse at each one, was indeed quite fast, but also quite physically challenging and uncomfortable.
So in general, travel in the Roman world was faster by sea. The Romans depended on sea travel and indeed fashioned their empire around the Mediterranean. As Socrates said in Plato's Phaedo, "we live around the sea, like frogs around a pond." Fin.
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To celebrate my book's first birthday (released July 4 last year), I offer up a meditation on a curious little episode: the Vandal King Gelimer quoting the great refrain of Ecclesiastes: "Vanity of vanities, all is vanity." #Roman #Byzantine 🧵
Some background: At the command of Justinian (r. 527-565), the general Belisarius led a Roman army to crush the Vandals and restore North Africa and most of its surrounding islands to Roman control in a lightning campaign that lasted just six months (September 533-March 534).
(This is probably underselling the shocking rapidity of this victory, because all major combat operations were complete by December 533 [3 months], and everything after that was claiming far-flung outposts and forcing the besieged Vandal King Gelimer into submission.)
The Count of the Stable (Comes Stabuli, from which we derive "constable") was a late antique officer of the Roman imperial court responsible for levying horses and pack animals for government use. Although it sounds like a humble post, it was held by a number of famous Romans. 🧵
I have been writing on the Comes Stabuli recently and was astonished to learn that occupants of the office included the future emperor Valens (r. 364-378) and the famous generals Stilicho (d. 408) and Aetius (d. 454).
This is of particular interest to me since in the sixth century Belisarius held the title of ἄρχον τῶν βασιλικῶν ἱπποκόμων (Commander of the Imperial Grooms), which was presumably a variant form of the same office.
Over the past few months I engaged in a variety of media (podcasts, blogs, book sites, etc) to get word out about my new book. This thread summarizes all that activity, both to keep it in one place and to give ideas to other academics with new books!
I started with places that would let me write a few words about my book to catch the interest of other bibliophiles. The first was on a humble blog called "The Page 99 Test":
Just how large was the Roman army during the reign of Justinian in the sixth century? Direct contemporary evidence is scarce. Modern estimates range from 150,000 to 326,000. Let's dive into the controversy. 🧵 #Roman #Byzantine #History
Let's start with the number all modern historians must reckon with. The Roman historian Agathias complains about the army during Justinian's reign: "there should have been a total effective fighting force of 645,000 men, but the number dropped to barely 150,000."
First thing to note is that this total (150,000) is meant to make Justinian's army look small. In other words, it is offered in a polemical spirit, not simply as a factual report. Nevertheless, it's the evidence we have, so we try to do something with it.
I recently listened to @byzantiumcast's interview with Adrian Goldsworthy (episode 273). In the discussion, Dr. Goldsworthy repeats the old canard that Justinian's armies in the West were "tiny." This is not accurate. 🧵 #Roman #Byzantine #History
First, let's establish a baseline for typical campaign army sizes in the reign of Justinian in the East. For the Battle of Dara in 530, Belisarius commanded 25,000 soldiers. At Satala in 530, Sittas had 15,000. At Callinicum in 531, Belisarius had 20,000.
We don't have firm numbers of soldiers for the eastern campaign of Belisarius in 541, or the defense of the East against the great invasion of Khusro in 540. But the earlier data points we have suggest a typical campaign army averaged around 20,000.
Yesterday we looked at evidence that Belisarius loved Antonina. Today, the reverse side of the coin. Do we have evidence that Antonina loved Belisarius? It’s less substantial and obvious than the evidence for Belisarius’ love, but yes, we have some! 🧵 #Roman #Byzantine #History
While in the Secret History Procopius is very direct about Belisarius’ infatuation with Antonina, he is more reticent about her feelings toward him. Instead, he focuses on Antonina’s supposed power to control Belisarius with spells, suggesting she ensorcelled him into loving her.
In the History of the Wars, however, Procopius lets slip an anecdote that might demonstrate the care Antonina had for Belisarius. After a long and dangerous day for the general during the siege of Rome, his wife came to him and compelled him to “taste a little bread.”