#DelhiViolence | Today marks three years since anti-Muslim violence unfolded in northeast Delhi.
Here is a master thread of our coverage—ground reports, testimonies of survivors and in-depth investigations into the BJP and the Delhi Police’s complicity in the violence.
On 23 Feb 2020, a clash between a Hindu mob that gathered at Maujpur and anti-CAA protesters, who had occupied the road at the Jafrabad metro, marked the beginning of over three days of communal violence in the national capital.
The then deputy commissioner Ved Prakash Surya’s passive demeanour next to BJP leader Kapil Mishra seemed to send a clear message—the latter’s threats of violence had the support of the Delhi Police. #DelhiViolence
On 24 Feb 2020, “The Hindu mob started stone pelting at the protesters. Then, the mob burnt the petrol pump … Then, all the cars that were there … near the petrol pump—they burnt all of them … The mob started shooting with guns at around 4 pm.”
“They had no idea about the law and said they were out on the street because they did not like the ‘Muslim’ anti-CAA protesters of Jaffrabad and Shaheen Bagh.”
On 24 February 2020, after half an hour of stone pelting at the Wazirabad road, a Hindu mob and policemen charged at Muslim protesters with a united cry of “Jai Shri Ram.”
By 6 pm, the mob and the Delhi police were bolstered by hundreds of Hindu rioters who descended on Wazirabad road. It was unclear where they came from, but it appeared they had broken through barricades to join the fight against the Muslim protesters.
“On the road, I could see members of a mob, armed with sticks and iron rods. I gathered courage and passed through them. Throughout that walk, I kept trying to conceal my beard with my hands.”
From 25 Feb 2020, Parijat P’s five hours in northeast Delhi: bit.ly/39byWGs
On 24 and 25 February, mobs chanting “Jai Shri Ram” travelled through a road that runs from Bhajanpura to Ghonda Chowk in northeast Delhi, on foot and on motorbikes.
The residents called the Delhi Police for help, but to no avail.
On 24 Feb 2020, a mob attacked a 23-year-old named Salman, with acid. He was brought to the Al Hind hospital. According to Dr MA Anwar, Salman was among “500–600” patients who had been admitted to the 15-bedded hospital between 24 and 26 Feb 2020.
On 25 Feb, residents of Jaffrabad and New Jaffrabad had a face off with the police. “I was inside the New Jaffradbad colony, when a young man … semi-conscious, was brought with what appeared to be pellet shots to his eyes and face,” Ishan Tankha said.
On 25 Feb, after beating up the men inside the Farooqia Masjid, uniformed men set everything on fire in the mosque. “They had petrol, diesel in plastic bags.
They spilled it on the walls, on beddings … then they lit it on fire,” Tahir, the imam, said.
Walking past the charred remains on 26 Feb 2020, it was evident that only the Muslim houses and establishments had been targeted. Only those buildings with visible markers indicating the identity of its owners had been set on fire.
On 26 Feb, many Muslim locals displaced from their homes moved to Al Hind, a hospital that was already facing an influx of more patients than it had the medical or physical infrastructure to support, ever since the violence began.
Every Muslim resident of Khajoori Khas, even those @sagar_reporter met in neighbouring areas, believed journalists were demonising Muslims even while the evidence showed of targeted destruction of Muslim houses and shops.
Four photojournalists documented the scenes of despair they witnessed at the hospitals in the aftermath of the large-scale violence in northeast Delhi on 24 and 25 Feb 2020, as the violence escalated and mobs began firing at and beating Muslims.
The Delhi Police ignored complaints against BJP leaders—Kapil Mishra, Satya Pal Singh, Jagdish Pradhan, Nand Kishore Gujjar, and Mohan Singh Bisht—accusing them of participating in or orchestrating the #DelhiViolence.
Numerous complaints filed by residents of northeast Delhi accuse senior police officials of participating in or encouraging targeted violence against Muslim residents of the region during the violence that swept the city in February 2020.
The media coverage on explosives used in the Delhi violence focused on those discovered on the roof of Tahir Hussain’s house. But numerous complaints filed before the Delhi Police accused Hindu mobs of using explosives openly and without fear.
The February 2020 #DelhiViolence was preceded by years of stigmatisation of Indian Muslims, stoked by Hindutva forces organised around the BJP’s ideological parent, the RSS.
In a six-month-long investigation, @sagar_reporter scrutinised Facebook live broadcasts by members affiliated to the RSS and the BJP ahead of the #DelhiViolence, and reports on the Hindutva mobilisation that preceded the violence.
Part two | @sagar_reporter’s interviews with members of the Maujpur mob indicated that almost all of them were guided by Modi’s statements in their conviction that the protests against the CAA were anti-Hindu and a Pakistani conspiracy to break the nation. bit.ly/3q4uwsC
@sagar_reporter Although the situation on the ground reached a flashpoint only on 23 Feb, the BJP’s political mobilisation around the CAA had begun weeks earlier, as a central theme of its Delhi election campaign.
Mohammad Nasir Khan has alleged that Naresh Tyagi shot him in the eye on 24 February 2020, during communal violence in northeastern Delhi. Nasir tried to get an FIR registered against Tyagi, but the Bhajanpura police station refused to do so.
During the 2020 Delhi violence “there was a free run to the rioters, and there was no exemplary action,” Vikram Singh, a former DGP for Uttar Pradesh, said. He added that the police “were treating cancer with a band aid.”
@Prabhtalks#DelhiViolence | Over his several visits to the area between March and August 2020, @shahidtantray spoke with other Muslim families who recalled being targeted by Hindutva mobs who were armed with iron rods, sticks and guns and chanting “Jai Shri Ram.”
🧵 From Adani–NDTV to sycophancy that often results in comical visuals, TV news in India increasingly resembles the theatre of the absurd. How did we get here?
From 2015, Krishn Kaushik’s (@Krishn_) definitive profile of NDTV, which was among the first in-depth reports that highlighted the Roys’ convoluted maze of financial transactions.
From 2012, “Fast and Furious,” Rahul Bhatia’s (@rahulabhatia) profile of Arnab Goswami, a former NDTV anchor who was “possessed of an acid personality that singed the newsroom often.”
⚡ Ramdev lifting Arnab Goswami off the ground as a feat of strength. Rahul Kanwal skipping rope with a union minister.
How did TV news get here?
In our latest #CaravanCollections, we bring you a selection of stories on the nation’s biggest outlets that help answer this:
From 2015, Krishn Kaushik’s (@Krishn_) definitive profile of NDTV, which, among other things, has produced many star anchors that came to define television news.
From 2012, Rahul Bhatia’s (@rahulabhatia) profile of Arnab Goswami, a former NDTV anchor who was “possessed of an acid personality that singed the newsroom often.”
The biggest question confronting India on COVID is: how many people died? What we know is that in four months, between April and July 2021, the plague caused more deaths among Indian citizens than any invasion by enemy forces could have inflicted.
In the absence of data from India’s Sample Registration System, scientists have had to rely on alternative approaches to estimate COVID-19 mortality. India’s official COVID-19 death count is under half a million.
The RSS and the Sangh Parivar’s appendages beyond Indian borders often remain overlooked—including in the United States, where they mobilise extensive ideological and material support for the Sangh’s Hindu-chauvinist agenda.
Ram Vishwanathan’s report on how groups such as the VHP America, the Overseas Friends of BJP and the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh have developed their influence over US politics and promoted Hindutva as a key “Hindu-American interest.”
Pieter Friedrich’s investigation of the campaign finances of Tulsi Gabbard, a dark-horse contender for the 2020 Democratic presidential nomination, reveals how her meteoric rise was fuelled by a torrent of donations from the Sangh.
#DelhiViolence | 23 Feb marks two years since anti-Muslim violence unfolded in northeast Delhi.
Here is a master thread of our coverage—ground reports, testimonies of survivors and in-depth investigations into the BJP and the Delhi Police’s complicity in the violence.
On 23 Feb 2020, a clash between a Hindu mob that gathered at Maujpur and anti-CAA protesters, who had occupied the road at the Jafrabad metro, marked the beginning of over three days of communal violence in the national capital.
The then deputy commissioner Ved Prakash Surya’s passive demeanour next to BJP leader Kapil Mishra seemed to send a clear message—the latter’s threats of violence had the support of the Delhi Police. #DelhiViolence
On the intervening night of 30 November and 1 December 2014, the judge BH Loya died under mysterious circumstances. At the time, he was presiding over the Sohrabuddin encounter case, in which Amit Shah was the prime accused.
The Caravan's coverage of the death of #JudgeLoya:
Over numerous conversations with Loya’s family members, @niranjan_takle pieced together a chilling description of what #JudgeLoya went through while presiding over the Sohrabuddin trial, and of what happened following his death.
#JudgeLoya’s sister Anuradha Biyani said that Loya confided in her that Mohit Shah—then the chief justice of the Bombay HC—offered him a bribe of Rs 100 crore for a favourable judgment in the Sohrabuddin case.