Tereza Hendl Profile picture
Mar 8 23 tweets 6 min read
Last year, I wrote a text on transnational feminist solidarity, asking questions of the Western and Global South feminists who signed 'anti-war' manifestos, which did not support Ukrainian self-defence against a Russian military invasion

The questions 🧵
#InternationalWomensDay
The various feminist anti-war manifestos written last year all appeared to be well-meant and yet, while presented as solidarity with Ukrainians, most were not authored with Ukrainian feminists and centred around their agency and demands. Hence the questions...
Can a feminist manifesto responding to the Russian invasion of Ukraine be even considered feminist when it dismisses the voices, agency and demands of the women whose lives are concerned?
How feminist is a manifesto which poses foreign demands regarding a war of aggression, which represent the very opposite of what many feminists from the affected and oppressed society have asked for?
Can a manifesto be feminist when its demands undermine the safety and survival of the women and fellow people directly impacted by the violence the manifesto claims to be alarmed about?
If one interrogated such manifesto from an anticolonial feminist perspective, what kind of power dynamic would one identify within it? Have the authors and signatories of the ‘anti-war’ manifestos conducted such analysis?
The double standard is striking: the idea, in particular, that a woman has the right to (self)defence against gendered violence and rape is one of the cornerstones of feminism. So is the insistence that a woman should not surrender to an abuser and accept a life...
...in subjugation and torment by him. And yet, this is exactly what ‘feminist anti-war’ manifestos more and less implicitly propose to Ukrainian women on a social level, under a military occupation.
In these manifestos, feminists typically located safely far away from the impact of Russian imperial and colonial violence perpetuate the fiction that ‘peaceful’ life under a military occupation is better for Other Women than their armed liberation.
Is it that foreign feminists did not realise that should Ukrainians stop fighting, they will be further occupied and genocided by Russia? Is it because they haven’t familiarised themselves with Ukrainian perspectives and empirical evidence on the ground?
Or is it because they imagined that life under Russia cannot be ‘that bad,’ i.e. they have disregarded Ukrainian scholarship and the scholarship and testimonies of fellow (post)occupied and (post)colonised societies...
...on the destruction and gendered oppression that Russian imperial and colonial violence have entailed?
Or perhaps because some of the feminists do not perceive Ukrainian women as deserving of the same standards of living, self-determination and freedom from oppression that they have demanded for themselves and their peers?
Now as much as then, I believe that it is crucial for international feminists to take a hard look at what has led them to disregard and speak over Ukrainian feminists and present this as feminist solidarity. These are the difficult inquiries that are needed if feminism is to be..
a struggle against sexist oppression and indeed a genuine transnational movement for the liberation of women and fellow people oppressed on gender grounds. Imperialism and colonialism are gender oppressive and any feminism that fails to challenge them isn't anti-oppressive enough
Which, of course, applies in all directions. All of us need to do this work, including feminists from Europe's East.
For many of us from societies affected by Russian imperialism or colonialism, it was very alienating to see 'feminist' manifestos that not only came so short of countering the sexist oppression in a war of conquest but were even oppressive towards affected women via 'feminism'
It was also hard to see such manifestos, given that among the signatories were feminists whose work on gender, racial & social justice many of us used to value and learn from. Today I hope that these feminists have taken the time to reconsider and begun the work to become allies.
But most importantly, I am grateful for the transnational solidarity I have found when reading, meeting and speaking with feminist thinkers and doers from Europe's East and Central Asia. This sisterhood has been the ultimate source of strength, inspiration, support and community.
So here is a shout out to those I've learnt from and whose voices and wisdom were crucial when I was trying to envision what transnational feminist solidarity in response to (not only) Russian imperialism and colonialism could be: Madina Tlostanova @YPYurchenko @BotakozKassymb1
@OBurlyuk @Marusiasays @MarynaShevtsova @levbekk @OKhromeychuk @ADoolotkeldieva and many more. Thank you for your voices, your work - and friendship, those of you I know in person - have meant a lot. Please keep writing and I hope that we will all meet in better times ✊ ❤️‍🔥
...and for those who might be interested to read the text on transnational feminist solidarity, it was published in a special issue of Gender Studies, alongside texts by many fellow feminist thinkers whose work warrants to be read kcgs.net.ua/gurnal/26/
And for all those who want to support Ukrainian feminists and their demands, here is their feminist manifesto commons.com.ua/en/right-resis…

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More from @TerezaHendl

Sep 21, 2022
It’s intriguing how much focus there is right now on the Baltic countries not providing an entry to Russians who want to run away from mobilization… why would countries violently occupied by Russia serve as reservoirs for Russians who might want to escape and disassociate? 1/5
In the last 7 months, plenty of Russians ran abroad and they haven’t done much of substance to protest the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the genocide of Ukrainians. There has been a handful of protests and even some of those seemed quite self-serving rather than pro-Ukrainian
Plus there was a disturbing number of Russian-led manifestations in support of Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine… this was very triggering and concerning to witness - eg the Rasshist rally in Germany was bigger than any Russian protest against the Russian invasion of Ukraine
Read 7 tweets
Sep 20, 2022
This is a rather illuminating read, with links to research investigating the organized disinformation campaign against women’s & gender liberation and racial justice movements, as fueled by Russia. This text is best to read alongside another article… buff.ly/3f3OfJi
But perhaps first of all, here’s the NYT article unlocked - thank you for providing free access to it!
…on anti-gender politics and its role in imperialism, as investigated by Agnieszka Graff and Elżbieta Korolczuk in the context of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Their text is also useful as it explores broader connections of Christian anti-gender politics democracyseminar.newschool.org/essays/the-cul…
Read 11 tweets
Sep 3, 2022
I’ve seen too much pseudo-progressive street art committing this kind of oppressive pacifism, denying the lived reality of Ukrainians under Russia’s military invasion and effectively perpetuating genocide denialism. This art actually does symbolic violence… 🧵
to Ukrainians and all those who have been victimized, harmed and oppressed in the long history of Russian imperialism. It does gross injustice to their experiences, pain, liberation struggles & needs for self-defense against Russia’s brutal violence. It is not only cringeworthy…
but oppressive in itself, in that such art perpetuates gaslighting and promotes a harmful idea of a deeply unjust colonial ‘peace,’ in which the oppressed and structurally dehumanized is pressured to submit and ‘hug’ their own oppressor, occupier, genocide perpetrator, murderer
Read 8 tweets
Aug 9, 2022
The disaster of the @amnesty report on Russia-occupied Ukraine is unravelling into new lows, raising further concerns over incompetent, unethical, colonial and harmful research methods & practices and a striking lack of consideration of core concerns of research ethics 🧵
The Stratcom Centre UA raises alarms that some of the interviews might have been conducted on Russia-occupied territories of Ukraine, including filtration camps and jails, and hence, carried out under pressure and oversight by the occupying RU forces
Here is a helpful thread, exploring many of the issues and errors in research methodology, conduct and ethics manifested in the @amnesty report from a sociological perspective
Read 6 tweets
Jun 10, 2022
Heading to the 11th European Feminist Research Conference? A warm invitation to our panel on East-Central European feminist visions for a just future, that we’ll run with Zuzana Uhde, Ewa Majewska, Magdalena Górska, @KrivonosDaria, @CEE_Feminisms, particularly @Ileana_voix 🧵
The conference theme is social change and we have put together a panel investigating how social change has been dealt with in European feminist debates, whose concerns and struggles have these debates investigated and addressed, and how. See bellow for brief abstracts
Talk 1. Zuzana Uhde: Distorted Emancipation and the Political Economy of Borders

The paper starts with a brief discussion of the distinct European care border regime, creating the structural position of the low-paid mobile guest care worker, commonly a migrant woman from CEE
Read 14 tweets
May 9, 2022
The Russian Feminist Anti-War Movement is distancing itself from the international ‘Feminists against War’ manifesto that claims to be somehow continuing the legacy of the call launched by Russian feminist groups…👇🧵
The lack of a clear support for UA self-defence in the RU feminist antiwar manifesto is among the reasons why I’m no big fan of the RU manifesto either. I see that RU feminists say it could be read as treason but now they’re having to clarify themselves against misappropriation…
Crucially, the RU Feminist Anti-War Manifesto more clearly grasps the power dynamic of Russia’s aggression against UA & the text does not even attempt to shift responsibility for the RU attack of UA to NATO and via that, minimize, normalize & justify the ongoing RU invasion of UA
Read 4 tweets

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