Happening now: PANEL 1: THE BIG PICTURE FOR BIG TECH
Amy Peikoff (Parler legal / policy): notes a need for "separation" between state and Internet companies.
Amy comments on the problem of jawboning. "The governments put pressure on these platforms and the platforms comply."
Suggestion here being that states need to pull themselves out of the tech discourse.
I'm on the fence about this. On the one hand, I am not convinced that jawboning really persuades tech companies (look at how often the Trump admin engaged in it and most of the companies held strong).
Plus, tech companies already operate outside the U.S. w/o 230, so I'm dubious.
Not to mention, there are some benefits to multistakeholder collaboration in this industry, especially when it comes to mis/dis info streams.
But I also see Amy's point in that U.S. governments typically overreach to the extent of interfering with expression.
Dane Snowden's comment on this is important -- big tech can handle themselves, it's the market entrants that will suffer post-230.
.@SteveDelBianco flags the federal stalemate on #Section230. The real concern is the ever-emerging battles against content moderation in the states.
This is exactly right. Between state censorship bills and judicial activism, websites are inundated.
Dane / Amy urging Congress to enact a federal privacy framework.
.@BerinSzoka asks Parler if they are using the freely provided photo DNA service and if not, why not?
Parler responds that they use their oin-housewn tools.
Berin pushes back: how dare you come in here and lecture us about the evils of big tech when you're company enables the proliferation of CSAM because you refuse to use a freely provided service standard for this industry.
*their own in-house tools
Wrapping up: panelists agree that it's important to articulate / define the problems we're trying to solve before rushing to regulation.
Additionally, governments (states and federal) cease interference with online publisher activities.
*should cease interference with
I can't type today
Happening Now: John Samples Delivers The Special Address
John points out that websites are using an array of tools and methods to combat harmful content. This reminds me of the taxonomy @ericgoldman put together: papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
Happening Now: PANEL 2: THE FRAGILITY OF SECTION 230
Strong start with @ChrisMarchese9: Texas and Florida's anti-bias laws violate the First Amendment. Full stop. 🔥
.@CathyGellis asks whether this discussion is really about the fragility of #Section230 or (more likely) the First Amendment.
@ChrisMarchese9: any time we're speaking about how to address underlying harms online, we must grapple with the First Amendment.
Matthew Bergman (Social Media Victims Law Center) with the tired trope: no other industry has similar immunity for liability.
Not only does that response completely ignore the point of the question, it makes a false comparison between non-speech and speech industries.
What do folks like Bergman expect to happen next post-230? That companies become magically liable for their publication decisions? That Congress can pass laws that interfere with editorial discretion?
We cannot just ignore the First Amendment in these debates about #Section230
.@CathyGellis stumps Matt with a Q regarding 1A defense for encouraging suicide (to Matt's earlier point that TikTok promotes suicide).
Matt: "here is my problem with the First Amendment."
There we go.
I have to note that Matt also invoked "fire in a crowded theater" in his response.
.@ChrisMarchese9 responds: "so often the debate about Section 230 is about Google and Meta and Twitter when it's supposed to be about the users."
.@ellanso: I'm worried that the conversations about 230 stand in the way of identifying and solving the actual underlying problems.
Matt responds that #Section230 shuts down conversations about harm and that websites should be forced to fully litigate so that the "truth comes out."
Matt already conceded earlier that 1A broadly protects websites anyway so (imo) he's really just more interested in subjecting companies to immense litigation as a punitive measure.
Which btw, is a super privileged take.
Not every website and user can afford to go through years of litigation that will inevitably conclude with a 1A win that could have been achieved at the earlier and cheaper motion to dismiss phase.
Matt: "what's wrong with lawsuits?"
@ellanso: the unintended consequences of immense litigation means that platforms may make decisions that ultimately curb online speech and expression.
That's a trade off some are okay with, but typically not those of us here in the U.S.
Ron Yokubaitis (@Giganews) notes Giganews had to spend $7.5 million just to win a suit brought against the platform where 230 does not apply. Perfect example of having to spend millions simply to reach the inevitable.
.@ChrisMarchese9: we need to remember that online services are *speech* products. They're not oil & gas or pharma. What if Congress tried to regulate the New York Times in the same way they're trying to regulate online publishers?
EXACTLY.
.@ChrisMarchese9: oh and you can yell fire in a crowded theater.
🔥🔥🔥🔥
Earlier Matt said he's a huge proponent of First Amendment.
In response to a question by @AriCohn , Matt argues that the First Amendment could be re-interpreted for technology companies.
.@ChrisMarchese9 "if speech couldn't lead to change, we wouldn't protect it."
I don't care how much you disagree substantively, laughing at your copanelists' points and interrupting them mid sentence is completely unacceptable conference behavior. @Tech_Oversight
.@Tech_Oversight claims that compliance in the EU automatically infers trivial compliance in the U.S.
@BerinSzoka rightfully pushes back noting the vast differences between U.S. and EU regulatory and legal systems.
.@AriCohn absolutely shuts down @Tech_Oversight, calling out their ridiculous argument that the concerns raised by their co-panelists are invalid because "they're funded by big tech."
Absolutely lazy and signals a total lack of ability to argue substantively.
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Hello -- I interrupt the past two weeks of ranting about SCOTUS and #Section230 to bring you this *really freaking important* piece of legal scholarship by @ericgoldman.
This article pissed me off and I hope it pisses you off too. Welcome to Jess after dark🧵
What if told you that there's an emerging popular litigation scheme that involves throwing as many defendants into a complaint as a Plaintiff can think of regardless of cause, jurisdiction, or the basic rules of civil procedure?
(we're talking like hundreds of defendants)
What if I told you that those same plaintiffs don't typically incur additional costs for this throw-defendants-at-the-wall scheme?
You can tune in for the "Platform Accountability: Gonzalez and Reform" #Section230 hearing here at 2pm ET / 11am PT. I'll be live-tweeting (for as long as I can stand it...).
ICYMI Texas' latest compelled-birth bill (HB 2690) enables private claimants to target websites that aid / abet abortions.
This only further raises the stakes for Twitter v. Taamneh; a case that will consider whether Twitter aided / abetted terrorism under the ATA.
How could this play out?
If SCOTUS holds that Twitter--in merely providing access to its service and enforcing its community guidelines against terrorist content--aided / abetted terrorism, the same can be said for *any* website that happens to host abortion related content.
Think about Facebook groups, subreddits, discord servers, group chats, etc., dedicated to providing a safe space for discussions about abortion resources.
Getting ready to kick off the Future of Children's Online Privacy panel at #SOTN2023
Jane Horvath suggests that more states need to implement kids privacy leg.
Privacy for all is an important goal. But state-by-state solutions will only make the current convoluted patchwork problem worse.
If anything, we should be focused on getting to Yes on federal privacy.
Key point from Jamie Susskind -- conversations regarding online harm to kids clouds the federal privacy discourse making it impossible to pass legislation. Those conversations are important but separate.
Next #Section230 SOTN panel starting with @joellthayer noting that FOSTA was important for taking down Backpage...
The DOJ took Backpage down before FOSTA was enacted. But details.
Yael Eisenstat (ADL): "where does Section 230 stop? where are the lines?"
Section 230(e) is a good starting place.
@MattPerault importantly reiterating those limits. #Section230 is not a defense to federal criminal prosecution. Congress has the tools to create legislation in this area if they feel it necessary.