The Home Office published their quarterly update of crime outcomes data today, and I've been taking my periodic look at rape charge rates.
Here, first, we see that the charge rate for rapes recorded in 2020/21 has now reached 4.0% and continues to rise. #crimestats
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I can provide this kind of analysis because I've been collating an archive of the quarterly updates over the last 2 yrs, something I'm not aware anyone else has done.
Here's a summary of the data.
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We can look at charge rate progression in chart form, comparing where successive years have got to. The dashed lines and hollow markers indicate no refresh of the data published at that point.
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Here's a slightly closer look at the last 4 years. The pink dotted line shows an example of directly comparable data points, at the same relative point in time.
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If we arrange the data differently, we can overlay & start to compare different years. The trajectory is pretty consistent across the 4 years of police recorded rapes/outcomes.
The uptick in the most recent 2019/20 data point seems notable, as does the concave 21/22 trend.
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In January I put together an animation that explains things in a bit more detail. I suggested charge rates were heading for around 4.5%, but now it seems it might be more like 5%. Certainly not the 1.x% of newspaper headlines.
One final thing here for now, which I thought was striking.
I charted the number of charges recorded by quarter, irrespective of when the rapes to which they relate were recorded.
We see 2 things: the R v Allan cliff-edge, and more recently a gradual recovery.
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If you aren't familiar with the R v Allan case, it was a rape trial that collapsed in Dec 2017 when exculpatory digital evidence was disclosed at the trial. It led to a crisis around disclosure and concerns re the possibility of miscarriages of justice, esp in rape cases.
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That charge volumes have now just about recovered to their pre-R v Allan numbers is encouraging.
Overall, I'd like to think we can see some green shoots of things improving, even if there is still a long way to go.
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I always post a link to my sources when they are in the public domain. The Home Office Crime Outcomes Open Data are published at gov.uk/government/sta…
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I've been wondering recently how many racist police officers were racist when they joined, and whether part of the issue is logical fallacies arising from having a lot of contact with very narrow sections of society in places they may not otherwise be familiar with.
Does this analogy work? Imagine you run a car repair garage and for whatever reason most of your customers drive BMWs, and they only bring them to you when they break down. Is there a risk you start thinking there's something wrong with BMWs in particular?
Something I've been reflecting on recently: I worry that an emphasis on places (e.g. hotspot policing) over people (those causing the greatest harm) may be a driver of disproportionality and especially 'false positive' contact between policing and the public.
Linked to this, I worry that policing generally does not adequately clarify the *number of people they believe are causing the greatest harms* in particular locations.
Lots of possible examples, but take robbery: hypothetically, you might have 100 robberies in an area (a 'robbery hotspot') over a period of time, each with one suspect. You have named suspects for only 15, consisting of 10 people. For the other 85 only approx age, sex, ethnicity.
On Sunday, the Guardian ran an article looking at what has happened to ethnic disparities in the UK 5yrs on from George Floyd. It includes this chart on Stop and Search (which relates to Eng+Wal). What it misses is the impact of switching from the 2011 to 2021 Censuses [cont'd]
Handily, the Home Office publishes an 'ethnic disparities time series dashboard' for stop and search. Here's Greater Manchester Police. Note how in the top R chart black/white disparity increases to a cliff edge after 2019/20. #stopsearch assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/66f44156…
It looks like racial disparity got worse for a decade before suddenly improving. Was that a police force growing increasingly racist, followed by George Floyd/BLM effect?
I had a look at #schoolexclusions data the other day, and since then received a breakdown with sex and FSM eligibility as well as ethnicity - this time for all state schools (not just secondary) across 4 years.
In this thread I'll present various ways of looking at the data. 🧵
The main question I'll be examining is how rates of exclusion compare between white and black pupils. As a rule, Asian pupils are excluded less often.
In this first chart, we see that boys are permanently excluded more often than girls. Across both sexes black Caribbean children are exluded more often than white British, followed by black African and children of 'other' white backgrounds.
A thread on the likely interaction of systemic/structural inequalities and institutional racism, looking at #knifecrime involving young people in London. 🧵
1) Police data on knife crime shows clear racial disproportionality in both victimisation and offending (which overlap), with violence concentrated in more deprived neighbourhoods; higher crime areas are typically allocated more police resources.
2) In discussing knife crime, it is common for people to highlight its presence in 'black communities', and to responsibilise 'black communities' or 'the community' to find solutions. (No-one ever talks about white Londoners in those terms.)
A couple of charts on what has happened to police officer numbers and the overall #policeworkforce.
First, the % change in police officers, counted on a headcount basis, between March 2010 and March 2023 (excl BTP).
Winners and losers.
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Second, the % change to the overall police workforce, again on a headcount basis, between March 2010 and March 2022 (the 2023 figures haven't yet been published).