The Home Office published their quarterly update of crime outcomes data today, and I've been taking my periodic look at rape charge rates.
Here, first, we see that the charge rate for rapes recorded in 2020/21 has now reached 4.0% and continues to rise. #crimestats
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I can provide this kind of analysis because I've been collating an archive of the quarterly updates over the last 2 yrs, something I'm not aware anyone else has done.
Here's a summary of the data.
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We can look at charge rate progression in chart form, comparing where successive years have got to. The dashed lines and hollow markers indicate no refresh of the data published at that point.
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Here's a slightly closer look at the last 4 years. The pink dotted line shows an example of directly comparable data points, at the same relative point in time.
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If we arrange the data differently, we can overlay & start to compare different years. The trajectory is pretty consistent across the 4 years of police recorded rapes/outcomes.
The uptick in the most recent 2019/20 data point seems notable, as does the concave 21/22 trend.
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In January I put together an animation that explains things in a bit more detail. I suggested charge rates were heading for around 4.5%, but now it seems it might be more like 5%. Certainly not the 1.x% of newspaper headlines.
One final thing here for now, which I thought was striking.
I charted the number of charges recorded by quarter, irrespective of when the rapes to which they relate were recorded.
We see 2 things: the R v Allan cliff-edge, and more recently a gradual recovery.
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If you aren't familiar with the R v Allan case, it was a rape trial that collapsed in Dec 2017 when exculpatory digital evidence was disclosed at the trial. It led to a crisis around disclosure and concerns re the possibility of miscarriages of justice, esp in rape cases.
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That charge volumes have now just about recovered to their pre-R v Allan numbers is encouraging.
Overall, I'd like to think we can see some green shoots of things improving, even if there is still a long way to go.
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I always post a link to my sources when they are in the public domain. The Home Office Crime Outcomes Open Data are published at gov.uk/government/sta…
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There's a #policetwitter mindset that believes every untruth about or challenge to policing must be 'robustly' confronted. That can translate into expressions of the worst values in policing, whether present today or echoing from the past, esp from behind a cloak of anonymity.
Includes the detail that the attempt to stop Mr Kaba's car followed "the activation of an automatic number plate recognition camera which indicated the vehicle was linked to a firearms incident in the previous days"
And that "no non-police issue firearm has been recovered from the vehicle or the scene."
This isn't the first time I've seen this issue raised, and it's interesting that the Met's (relatively recently introduced) internal workforce ethnicity data has a (well used) Black British category - and also Black Asian (v few), but not Asian British.
I've heard from a number of officers that the lack of a Black British option in monitoring eg stop and search has caused issues with members of the public feeling their self-identity is not reflected in/respected by police systems.
The framework for ethnicity questions is set by ONS, for the Census, for use across public services, and that may be the proper place for the issue to be explored, in conjunction with eg the Home Office.
I wasn't aware until yesterday that #policeworkforce data on police officers in E&W are now published with a detailed breakdown of their ethnicity (18+1 categories).
Here's the full breakdown as at Dec 2021, in numbers and percentages.
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Here's Asian representation - this is the % of police officers in each force.
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Here's Black representation, again by force. Note the importance of police officers with mixed Black/White heritage - and especially Black Caribbean/White heritage - to overall Black representation.
One striking finding of the London Rape Review 2021 is that the (joint) most common reason for victim withdrawal from police investigations was that the victim 'did not intend to report rape'.
The researchers note that victims who disclosed (they use the word 'reported', but I'm not sure that's accurate) rapes in response to DASH questions were 3x as likely to withdraw than victims who reported in other ways.
These will in many cases be DASH risk assessment processes conducted in response to allegations of violence, where a disclosure of rape is made in response to a direct question asked by a police officer about any history of harmful sexual behaviour/sexual abuse.