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The role of 4.5 in democratization and governance in #Somalia: Implications and considerations for the way forward
The role of 4.5 in democratization and governance in #Somalia: Implications and considerations for the way forward
The 4.5 formula was first conceived in 1997 as a temporary arrangement for managing political representation.
It was formalized in 2000 at the Arta Peace Conference in Djibouti.
It was formalized in 2000 at the Arta Peace Conference in Djibouti.
The clan representation existed in Somalia since the independence.
Although there was no formal clan-based power- sharing system in place, some communities expressed concern that they were being marginalized in the first 123-seat ‘National Assembly’
Although there was no formal clan-based power- sharing system in place, some communities expressed concern that they were being marginalized in the first 123-seat ‘National Assembly’
The Siyad Barre regime ostensibly made attempts to destroy what it referred to as ‘tribalism’.
In reality, the government increasingly instrumentalized clan identity in the exercise of power, leading to the marginalization of several groups.
In reality, the government increasingly instrumentalized clan identity in the exercise of power, leading to the marginalization of several groups.
The application of 4.5 since Arta
a) National/federal leadership
Since the introduction of the 4.5, the presidency & prime ministership rotate btw Darod & Hawiye clan families.
Similarly, the norm has been that the speaker of the HoP comes from Digil & Mirifle clan family.
a) National/federal leadership
Since the introduction of the 4.5, the presidency & prime ministership rotate btw Darod & Hawiye clan families.
Similarly, the norm has been that the speaker of the HoP comes from Digil & Mirifle clan family.
The positions of deputy prime minister & speaker of the Upper House have, since their establishment, gone to the Dir/Isaaq clan family.
The 0.5 group has never held any of the highest positions in national leadership, but are usually allocated the first deputy speaker of the HoP
The 0.5 group has never held any of the highest positions in national leadership, but are usually allocated the first deputy speaker of the HoP
b) National/federal cabinets
Until 2009, the 4.5 formula was not strictly adhered to in allocating cabinet positions.
From 2009 to 2011, the 4.5 formula was applied with relative precision.
Since 2012, FGS cabinets have adhered more closely to a ‘5.0’ formula.
Until 2009, the 4.5 formula was not strictly adhered to in allocating cabinet positions.
From 2009 to 2011, the 4.5 formula was applied with relative precision.
Since 2012, FGS cabinets have adhered more closely to a ‘5.0’ formula.
c) National/federal legislatures
The 4.5 formula has consistently been applied to the formation of transitional legislatures.
A document released by Office of the President in 2020 provides one of the few formal documents outlining parliament’s current intra-clan composition.
The 4.5 formula has consistently been applied to the formation of transitional legislatures.
A document released by Office of the President in 2020 provides one of the few formal documents outlining parliament’s current intra-clan composition.
Representation of women in the 4.5 system
The 4.5 formula makes no special provision for the inclusion of women.
Since 2000, of the 29 ministerial portfolios assigned to women at the beginning of a prime minister’s term, more than half (15) have been given to 0.5 communities
The 4.5 formula makes no special provision for the inclusion of women.
Since 2000, of the 29 ministerial portfolios assigned to women at the beginning of a prime minister’s term, more than half (15) have been given to 0.5 communities
Implications of 4.5 for democratization and governance
1. the 4.5 formula is associated with a return to stability following Somalia’s civil war in the 1990s.
2. Over time, the 4.5 continued use of the formula has become associated with a top-down, elite-dominated politics.
1. the 4.5 formula is associated with a return to stability following Somalia’s civil war in the 1990s.
2. Over time, the 4.5 continued use of the formula has become associated with a top-down, elite-dominated politics.
3. The 4.5 continues to present major obstacles to improving the participation of women in politics.
4. The 4.5 has also become associated with the marginalization & exclusion of certain groups.
5. At the same time, the 4.5 has protected certain groups from domination by others
4. The 4.5 has also become associated with the marginalization & exclusion of certain groups.
5. At the same time, the 4.5 has protected certain groups from domination by others
6. The resort to clan-based power-sharing has eroded the moral authority of clan elders.
7. The continued use of the 4.5 system poses major challenges to OPOV being rolled out in Somalia.
8. Clan-based power-sharing has had major impacts on effective institutions and governance
7. The continued use of the 4.5 system poses major challenges to OPOV being rolled out in Somalia.
8. Clan-based power-sharing has had major impacts on effective institutions and governance
Considerations for the way forward
We presented three options on addressing the persistence of the 4.5 system are presented for consideration.
1⃣Transcend 4.5
2⃣Hybridize 4.5
3⃣ Transition from 4.5
We presented three options on addressing the persistence of the 4.5 system are presented for consideration.
1⃣Transcend 4.5
2⃣Hybridize 4.5
3⃣ Transition from 4.5
You can read the joint @somalipubagenda & Somali Dialogue Platform/@RVInews paper here
somalipublicagenda.org/the-role-of-4-…
somalipublicagenda.org/the-role-of-4-…
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