Henry Rome Profile picture
Jun 9 15 tweets 4 min read Twitter logo Read on Twitter
There’s been a blizzard of speculation re US/Iran diplomacy – but little analysis on what the US seeks to accomplish & what will happen to Iran if it actually succeeds.

That’s where @BrewerEricM & my piece in @ForeignAffairs comes in:

foreignaffairs.com/iran/bidens-ir…

#OOTT

1/15
US strategy can be summed up as “Plan C.”

“Plan A” was revive JCPOA. It failed. Replacement agreement is a mirage for foreseeable future.

“Plan B” was proposed by many observers & Israeli officials to significantly ratchet up pressure. US opposed this.

Enter "Plan C."

2/15
“Plan C” aims to prevent an Iranian bomb, avoid escalation, & kick the can on a diplomatic solution–with the hope that deterrence can be maintained and diplomacy could ripen over time.

3/15
The main tool is to de-escalate: lax sanctions enforcement; restrained responses to attacks; avoidance of IAEA censure; easing access to frozen FX.

I am skeptical of recent reports of an imminent US-Iran deal. But much of what has been reported would fall under “Plan C.”

4/15
In parallel, Iran has had a good few months for its foreign policy.

It's paid no price for unprecedented nuclear advancements & its geopolitical position continues to improve.

It is easy to see why Khamenei might believe he can have his nuclear cake and eat it, too.

5/15
The thrust of the paper examines what happens if “Plan C” works.

We call it “catastrophic success.”

Instead of laying the groundwork for a diplomatic solution that halts and reverses Iran’s program, the strategy risks cementing Iran’s status as a nuclear threshold state.

6/15
5 trends point in a negative direction in the coming months:

1⃣ Iran will continue advancing its nuclear program, bringing it closer to its goal of becoming a virtual nuclear weapons state.

7/15
2⃣ Ties with Russia and China will continue to improve.

These relations have limits, and they likely cannot replace what Iran would receive in a comprehensive nuclear deal w/the West. But the trendlines are positive & Iran will likely stay the course.

8/15
3⃣ Regional dynamics will likely play to Iran’s advantage. Iran normalized ties with Kuwait, UAE, and Saudi Arabia despite–or perhaps because of–its nuclear escalations.

This undermines prior US efforts to make regional benefits contingent on a nuclear deal.

9/15
4⃣ October will bring more positive news for Iran, when UN missile restrictions and sanctions expire.

Even if European states do not end up removing their sanctions, Iran will take a victory lap.

10/15
5⃣And the politics of a deal will probably get harder, not easier, as time goes on–with elections in the US and Iran and a leadership transition in Iran approaching.

11/15
There is one silver lining:

Tehran’s improved standing could reinforce its decision not to weaponize its nuclear program—at least for now. If Iran is already getting security, status, influence, etc., it may conclude that going to a bomb may not be necessary for now.

12/15
Finally, we propose 3 recs within the political & strategic constraints of Plan C:

1⃣ US should intensify efforts to deter Iran from taking key steps toward a bomb by working w/a wider array of countries to demonstrate the costs to Iran, including Brazil & India.

13/15
2⃣ US should try to complicate Iran’s outreach to Russia and China, eroding the benefits of Tehran’s pivot east.

That includes better sanctions enforcement and collaboration with some Caspian Sea littoral states to monitor and complicate Russia-Iran trade.

14/15
3⃣ Washington should not give up on diplomacy altogether.

That includes exploring how Iranian-Saudi diplomacy could open the door for regional nuclear constraints, providing some limits on future nuclear activities and assurances against weapons production.

15/15

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More from @hrome2

May 2
Next week marks 5-year anniversary of Trump’s withdrawal from the JCPOA, a decision that left the Iranian nuclear program unconstrained, stoked regional tensions, divided US from its allies & hobbled the prospects for future diplomacy.

5 brief reflections on this period: Image
(1) US withdrawal/max pressure scored some tactical successes but, on its own terms, was a strategic failure.

The campaign (+Covid) severely weakened Iran’s economy–sending it into recession and driving up inflation & unemployment.
This forced the government to cut military spending & make unpopular fiscal decisions w/damaging social consequences.

And killing Suleimani removed a dangerous figure from the battlefield.
Read 20 tweets
Apr 18
The past few months have been volatile for Iran at home —socially, politically, economically—and there is little prospect for a lasting improvement.

But, ironically, the recent trajectory of its foreign policy has been quite positive. A brief thread:
Focused on China & Russia/Ukraine, Washington has aimed to de-escalate tensions with Iran over the nuclear program and regional issues — easing off some political and economic pressure. This has exacerbated tensions with Europe, which, for its part, also is distracted elsewhere.
With its ability to begin enriching to 90% likely in a matter of hours, Iran also appears to be successfully deterring E3 from pursuing snapback at UNSC. This will probably ensure the missile ban expires in October. (E3/US are also probably deterring Iran from enriching to 90%).
Read 9 tweets
Jan 3
🧵Netanyahu at cabinet meeting today re Iran: "We will work openly, from a position of strength, in the international arena against a return to the nuclear agreement, not only in talks with leaders behind closed doors but strongly and openly in the sphere of global opinion..."
"Unfortunately, in contrast to the prevailing opinion that this dangerous nuclear option has disappeared from the agenda following the recent events in Iran, I think that this possibility has not yet finally disappeared from the agenda."
Strictly speaking, of course, Netanyahu is not wrong. EU, Chinese, Russian, and Iranian officials routinely speak positively in public about reviving the deal (eg below) despite more dire (and accurate) public & private assessments from Western govts

Read 11 tweets
Nov 11, 2022
In an op-ed in @thehill, I outline a new way to hold Iran accountable for supporting Russia's war in Ukraine: Along with G7, Washington should argue that a “business-as-usual” attitude toward Iranian energy purchases cannot continue. (1/7)

thehill.com/opinion/intern…
US & Europe have sanctioned those involved in Iranian drones shipments & they will do more. This is important but insufficient.

The US should look broader & seek to take advantage of Iran's decision to throw its lot in w/Russia by isolating it in a place that will hurt. (2/7)
U.S. should call on countries buying or facilitating purchase of Iranian energy products to halt, and it should diplomatically pressure those that do not comply.

Iran's top buyer, China, will be a tough sell. But I suggest looking specifically at intermediary countries. (3/7)
Read 7 tweets
Nov 9, 2022
🧵In my latest piece for @WashInstitute, I take a look at how the US could increase pressure on Iranian energy exports, in light of Tehran's support for Russia in Ukraine, domestic suppression, and nuclear advances.

In short: US is not "sanctioned out."

washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysi…
Iran's crude + condensate exports over past 3 months were 810,000-1.2m bpd, according to data from @TankerTrackers, @Vortexa, @Kpler & @UANI.

That's much lower than pre-Trump withdrawal from JCPOA, when exports topped 2.7m. But they're higher than at peak of max pressure, ~500k.
Biden admin did not rigorously enforce oil sanctions in word or deed, prioritizing diplomatic efforts to revive JCPOA.

But this was likely counterproductive: Lack of enforcement may have weakened Iran's urgency to get a deal & reduced a deal's marginal benefits.
Read 9 tweets
Aug 24, 2022
We should be wary of and closely analyze what a revived JCPOA would mean for relations btwn Moscow & Tehran.

But we should also be wary of claims that are based on layers of assumptions that aren’t carefully parsed. Here’s an example:

politico.eu/article/russia…
Claim: Under JCPOA, Russia will get a “get-out-of-jail-free card” to export oil using swaps with Iran in the aftermath of the EU maritime insurance ban.

This is based on four main assumptions, which aren’t supported in the piece.
(1) Maritime insurance ban will disrupt Russian oil shipments, forcing it to seek other buyers.

Yes, it will in some cases. But how long will that last until alternative channels or exemptions are created?
Read 7 tweets

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