Professor @BlavatnikSchool, Fellow @TrinityOxford, Co-director @ELAC_Oxford, @kfg_intlaw: #IHL, Ethics of War, Attitudes toward Force (in personal capacity)
Oct 8 • 13 tweets • 3 min read
In #Gaza, #InternationalLaw seems as relevant as it seems ineffective.
In the paper "International Law in Gaza: Belligerent Intent & Provisional Measures", forthcoming at @AJIL_andUnbound, @tomdannenbaum and I argue the following:
🧵 1/13
papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
2/13 One problem is a prioritization of law’s accountability function over its functions to constrain belligerent conduct & guide third states’ legal assessments in “real time”.
Sep 17 • 6 tweets • 2 min read
IF IHL applies & IF pagers' owners are liable to status-based targeting, there are significant concerns about incidental civilian harm here, possibly discrimination.
Facts still seem unclear: If (as I'd thought) 🇮🇱retained control over whether/when pagers explode, the op could IN PRINCIPLE meet distinction demands, i.e. being directed against individuals reasonably taken to be mi objectives. It could avoid violating Art. 51 para 4 a) & b).
Jun 12 • 13 tweets • 2 min read
On the charge of #perfidy in #Israel’s #hostage rescue, a short 🧵:
Perfidy means feigning a protected status to invite the confidence of the adversary with the intent to betray this confidence.
For the war crime, “intent to betray” is understood as “intent to kill or injure” (possibly capture) the adversary under the cover of the feigned protected status.
"The perpetrator made use of that confidence or belief in killing or injuring such person or persons."
May 20 • 14 tweets • 2 min read
Der Chefankläger des Int. Strafgerichtshof hat Haftbefehle gegen drei führende Mitglieder der Hamas, Israels Premierminister Netanyahu, und Verteidigungsminister Yoav Gallant beantragt.
Die Vorwürfe gegen Netanyahu & Galant lauten u.a. auf Aushungern als Kriegstaktik & Angriffe auf die Zivilbevölkerung (Kriegsverbrechen) aber auch auf Vernichtung & Verfolgung (Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit).
Apr 26 • 5 tweets • 1 min read
Look man, there is only "a risk of irreparable harm to the Palestinian right to be protected from genocide" if someone is plausibly threatening that right.
The Judge stresses that the #ICJ did not look at whether Israel's conduct is plausibly genocide. That is technically important, BUT by funding that the Palestinians' right to be protected from genocide is threatened, it implies as much.
Dec 31, 2023 • 9 tweets • 2 min read
Eine völkerrechtliche Einordnung der #humanitärenKrise in #Gaza (🧵auf deutsch): Wenn Israel eine Besatzungsmacht wäre, dann müsste Israel selbst die Versorgung der Palästinensischen Zivilbevölkerung sicherstellen.
forbes.com/sites/daphneew…
Israel streitet dies ab. Selbst wenn Israel keine Besatzungsmacht ist, darf es anderen Akteuren die humanitäre Hilfe leisten wollen, zum Beispiel dem #IKRK oder den #VereintenNationen, die Zustimmung nicht grundlos verweigern oder diese Hilfe blockieren.
Sep 12, 2022 • 10 tweets • 4 min read
Ukrainians are categorically opposed to political and territorial concessions, no matter the costs – new findings with @c_muellercrepon and @marnie_howlett written up for the @ConversationUKtheconversation.com/ukrainians-are… #Ukraine, #Proportionality Quick thread on technical details:
We surveyed 1160 Ukrainians in regions not affected by active fighting in late July and asked them to choose between “conjoint” hypothetical strategies of their government in the war against Russia, which came with randomized ‘benefits’ as well as ‘costs’ of war.
Sep 11, 2022 • 6 tweets • 3 min read
Hier ein Beitrag in @faznet zu einer Studie, die @c_muellercrepon, @marnie_howlett und ich, Ende Julie in der Ukraine durchgeführt haben. Befremdet vom deutschen Diskurs in dem die Sichtweise der Ukrainischen Bevölkerung so selten vorkommt,
