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Recent
I developed the theory 8 months ago that the CIAMafia, fronted by Trump, would start to take a hatchet to its 2 co-Mafias, the LikudMafia and KremlinMafia.
Russia is now on the ropes. Putin will likely be overthrown shortly.
Trump has just made a deal with Saudi Arabia and
Russia is now on the ropes. Putin will likely be overthrown shortly.
Trump has just made a deal with Saudi Arabia and
announced that Saudi Arabia will now become a major ally.
But Putin and Netanyahu have ugly kompromat on Trump and can take him down - but they can't touch the power behind Trump.
We're witnessing a giant game of Mexican Standoff - but the CIAMafia, the power behind the throne,
But Putin and Netanyahu have ugly kompromat on Trump and can take him down - but they can't touch the power behind Trump.
We're witnessing a giant game of Mexican Standoff - but the CIAMafia, the power behind the throne,
will escape unscathed, and then have 3 scapegoats to heap the blame on: Trump, Putin, Netanyahu.
The CIAMafia will then install JD Vance, but in 2028 will then install a Democrat that they control. Everyone will be so happy and continue with the make-believe democracy.
The CIAMafia will then install JD Vance, but in 2028 will then install a Democrat that they control. Everyone will be so happy and continue with the make-believe democracy.
1/ Demography is destiny. The collapse of ancient Rome proves it.
Its decline had many causes, but all were governed by one fact: the people changed.
Rome did not fall because its numbers dwindled. Rome fell because it ceased to be Roman.
Its decline had many causes, but all were governed by one fact: the people changed.
Rome did not fall because its numbers dwindled. Rome fell because it ceased to be Roman.
2/ Civilization is a biological phenomenon, and in saying this I do not deny the existence of a higher order. I simply recognize that the higher must work through the material substance it finds in the world, and it is here that biology and heredity becomes decisive. Inherited character sets the limits within which culture can rise, and no political form can endure once the people who created it have been replaced.
In the Western world today, matters of race and demography are treated as forbidden subjects because they contradict the egalitarian mythos of the age that human nature is infinitely malleable and that entire populations may be exchanged without consequence. For most of Western history this was understood to be false. The Greeks, the Romans, and all early European peoples, and European societies well into the twentieth century, recognized the fixity of heredity and regarded inherited differences as the basis of character and ability and therefore as the primary foundation of civic order. In the ancient world this produced a biopolitical conception of society in which the quality of the people determined the quality of the state. Distinct peoples, no less than distinct individuals, possessed tendencies shaped across generations. This older understanding is indispensable when examining the demographic transformation of Rome.
Rome began as a European people and remained a European civilization through its regal era and the early and middle Republic. Its citizen body arose from Latins, Sabines, and related Italic groups shaped by the meeting of Indo-European settlers with the older populations of the peninsula. Ancient DNA confirms this inheritance through the blend of Steppe ancestry with the early farming communities and the deeper hunter-gatherer strata that formed the classical European profile of ancient Italy.
Culture, understood as the outward expression of a people’s inherited instincts, is a product of race. The religion and civic habits of early Rome rested on these inherited affinities and gave the city its unified character. As Roman power expanded it incorporated Etruscan and Celtic communities who, despite their differences, belonged to the same broader European continuum. Their ancestral background and social instincts were close enough to those of the Romans to permit assimilation without altering the fundamental identity of the state.
Modern genetic similarity theory clarifies why this early expansion succeeded. Cooperation is strongest among individuals and groups who are genetically closer because they share broadly convergent behaviors and implicit moral instincts. A population does not need to be uniform for a state to function. It needs only a sufficient degree of shared ancestry for inherited dispositions to align rather than conflict with the institutions and values created by the founders. Early Rome met this threshold and could therefore integrate related European peoples without eroding its civic core.
This shared foundation made possible the rise of a formidable martial republic. Early Rome was intensely militarized, shaped by the Indo-European legacy of warrior bands and aristocratic ambition. Authority rested on valor and competence, and the highest honor was won in war. Patron-client bonds created networks of reciprocal obligation that echoed the older pattern in which leaders and their companions were united by personal loyalty. The patrician houses competed for military distinction, and this rivalry became one of the principal engines of Roman expansion across Italy.
This martial ethos permeated all classes. Warfare brought land, spoils, prestige, and upward mobility, giving every stratum of the citizen body a stake in the success of the state. Conquered Italian communities shared enough ancestry and cultural instinct with Rome that they could be integrated without destabilizing the political order. Their elites entered the Roman aristocracy and their populations supplied troops for future campaigns. Where the Greek city-states remained fractious and narrow, Rome succeeded in binding related European peoples into a single expanding commonwealth.
Rome’s very success contained the seeds of its demographic undoing. Expansion demanded soldiers, labor, and administrators, and the Republic met these demands by drawing heavily upon its ancestral population. Victory required armies, and armies required men. As Rome subdued the Mediterranean world it became dependent on a scale of manpower that the old Italic stock could not indefinitely supply. At the same time conquest poured captives and slaves into Italy at a rate no earlier age had witnessed. The transformation from a compact citizen republic into a vast imperial power created pressures that reshaped the composition of the peninsula. What had once been a coherent body of related European peoples began to absorb populations whose ancestry and inherited tendencies lay far outside the world that had shaped the Republic.
This equilibrium held until continuous warfare in the third and second centuries B.C. began to erode the old Italic stock. The Punic Wars against Carthage devastated the rural freeholders who had formed the backbone of Rome’s early armies and weakened the oldest patrician families. Hannibal’s invasions ruined the countryside, depopulated entire districts, and extinguished many households that had defined Republican life. The conquest of Macedon and Greece flooded Italy with slaves in unprecedented numbers, drawn from the Aegean world and from the interior of Asia Minor. Governors returning from the East brought with them multitudes from Phrygia, Lydia, Cappadocia, and Syria, and through manumission these captives, or their descendants, entered the expanding urban population.
Internal conflicts deepened the crisis. The Social War (91–88 B.C.) ravaged Italian communities already weakened by generations of military loss, and the long struggle against Mithridates (88–63 B.C.) drew further upon dwindling Italic manpower while bringing additional Eastern captives into Italy. By the first century B.C. the demographic foundations of the Republic had shifted. The old Roman and Italic families that had governed the early state were declining in number, while Rome itself swelled with newcomers whose ancestral ties to the founders were distant or nonexistent.
In the Western world today, matters of race and demography are treated as forbidden subjects because they contradict the egalitarian mythos of the age that human nature is infinitely malleable and that entire populations may be exchanged without consequence. For most of Western history this was understood to be false. The Greeks, the Romans, and all early European peoples, and European societies well into the twentieth century, recognized the fixity of heredity and regarded inherited differences as the basis of character and ability and therefore as the primary foundation of civic order. In the ancient world this produced a biopolitical conception of society in which the quality of the people determined the quality of the state. Distinct peoples, no less than distinct individuals, possessed tendencies shaped across generations. This older understanding is indispensable when examining the demographic transformation of Rome.
Rome began as a European people and remained a European civilization through its regal era and the early and middle Republic. Its citizen body arose from Latins, Sabines, and related Italic groups shaped by the meeting of Indo-European settlers with the older populations of the peninsula. Ancient DNA confirms this inheritance through the blend of Steppe ancestry with the early farming communities and the deeper hunter-gatherer strata that formed the classical European profile of ancient Italy.
Culture, understood as the outward expression of a people’s inherited instincts, is a product of race. The religion and civic habits of early Rome rested on these inherited affinities and gave the city its unified character. As Roman power expanded it incorporated Etruscan and Celtic communities who, despite their differences, belonged to the same broader European continuum. Their ancestral background and social instincts were close enough to those of the Romans to permit assimilation without altering the fundamental identity of the state.
Modern genetic similarity theory clarifies why this early expansion succeeded. Cooperation is strongest among individuals and groups who are genetically closer because they share broadly convergent behaviors and implicit moral instincts. A population does not need to be uniform for a state to function. It needs only a sufficient degree of shared ancestry for inherited dispositions to align rather than conflict with the institutions and values created by the founders. Early Rome met this threshold and could therefore integrate related European peoples without eroding its civic core.
This shared foundation made possible the rise of a formidable martial republic. Early Rome was intensely militarized, shaped by the Indo-European legacy of warrior bands and aristocratic ambition. Authority rested on valor and competence, and the highest honor was won in war. Patron-client bonds created networks of reciprocal obligation that echoed the older pattern in which leaders and their companions were united by personal loyalty. The patrician houses competed for military distinction, and this rivalry became one of the principal engines of Roman expansion across Italy.
This martial ethos permeated all classes. Warfare brought land, spoils, prestige, and upward mobility, giving every stratum of the citizen body a stake in the success of the state. Conquered Italian communities shared enough ancestry and cultural instinct with Rome that they could be integrated without destabilizing the political order. Their elites entered the Roman aristocracy and their populations supplied troops for future campaigns. Where the Greek city-states remained fractious and narrow, Rome succeeded in binding related European peoples into a single expanding commonwealth.
Rome’s very success contained the seeds of its demographic undoing. Expansion demanded soldiers, labor, and administrators, and the Republic met these demands by drawing heavily upon its ancestral population. Victory required armies, and armies required men. As Rome subdued the Mediterranean world it became dependent on a scale of manpower that the old Italic stock could not indefinitely supply. At the same time conquest poured captives and slaves into Italy at a rate no earlier age had witnessed. The transformation from a compact citizen republic into a vast imperial power created pressures that reshaped the composition of the peninsula. What had once been a coherent body of related European peoples began to absorb populations whose ancestry and inherited tendencies lay far outside the world that had shaped the Republic.
This equilibrium held until continuous warfare in the third and second centuries B.C. began to erode the old Italic stock. The Punic Wars against Carthage devastated the rural freeholders who had formed the backbone of Rome’s early armies and weakened the oldest patrician families. Hannibal’s invasions ruined the countryside, depopulated entire districts, and extinguished many households that had defined Republican life. The conquest of Macedon and Greece flooded Italy with slaves in unprecedented numbers, drawn from the Aegean world and from the interior of Asia Minor. Governors returning from the East brought with them multitudes from Phrygia, Lydia, Cappadocia, and Syria, and through manumission these captives, or their descendants, entered the expanding urban population.
Internal conflicts deepened the crisis. The Social War (91–88 B.C.) ravaged Italian communities already weakened by generations of military loss, and the long struggle against Mithridates (88–63 B.C.) drew further upon dwindling Italic manpower while bringing additional Eastern captives into Italy. By the first century B.C. the demographic foundations of the Republic had shifted. The old Roman and Italic families that had governed the early state were declining in number, while Rome itself swelled with newcomers whose ancestral ties to the founders were distant or nonexistent.
3/ Tenney Frank was the first modern scholar to examine Rome’s demographic transformation with a method that was both systematic and rigorously exact. Refusing to rely on the literary record alone, he treated Italy as a biological archive and turned to the inscriptions carved into stone. More than thirty thousand epitaphs allowed him to examine names, stated origins, manumission formulas, and civic statuses. Taken together they formed a demographic ledger of the peninsula, and from this ledger a pattern emerged with exactitude. The ancient Roman nomina, the hereditary family names that had defined the Republic, begin to diminish after the first century B.C. The Claudii, Cornelii, Fabii, Aemilii, and Manlii, the families that had furnished Rome with magistrates, priests, generals, and legislators, fade steadily from Latium, Campania, and Etruria. In their place rise names from Phrygia, Lydia, Cappadocia, Syria, and the Levant.
Roman observers of the period often mistook these newcomers for Greeks because of their language, yet the inscriptions reveal a different truth. Their ancestry came not from the old Mediterranean Hellenes but from the Near Eastern provinces Rome had subdued; from the Hellenistic East. Greek served as the lingua franca of the Eastern Mediterranean, and enslaved populations used it in commerce and in the formulas that recorded their manumission. The cultural veneer was Hellenic, but the blood was Levantine and Anatolian. By the second century A.D., nearly nine in ten urban-born Romans were descended from slaves or freedmen, most of them bearing ancestry from Asia Minor or the Syro-Levantine coast. The old Italic and European stock that had created the Republic and carried it to its civilizational apex was withdrawing with measurable speed, replaced by peoples whose inherited dispositions stood far from those of the founders.
Frank emphasized that this demographic shift intensified when the older rural citizenry began to vanish from the Italian landscape. Continuous warfare across the third and second centuries B.C. removed men from their farms for long stretches, and the disappearance of these households broke the continuity of village life that had sustained the early Republic. As these families died out, their land passed into the hands of magnates who absorbed entire districts into sprawling farm estates worked by imported slaves. These latifundia spread across Italy with a magnitude unknown in earlier periods. The countryside lost the independent farmers who had supplied early armies and embodied the civic character of the Republic. In their place rose plantations worked by foreign slave populations whose manumission, carried out in large numbers, transformed the population of the cities. Frank regarded this extinction of the rural Roman stock as the pivotal change that reshaped Italy at its core.
The senatorial and patrician houses declined in a similar pattern, yet with an even sharper descent owing to their long-standing duty to command armies and take the field in person. The martial burdens of the Republic, once borne by these lineages as a matter of inherited honor, hastened their disappearance as war and political purges cut deeply into their ranks. Under Nero hundreds of senatorial families still existed. Under Hadrian only a small remnant survived. Of the patrician gentes, the most ancient hereditary clans that had once shaped Rome’s political and religious orders, only one remained. What had once been a living civic body rooted in ancient lineages now stood depleted, for the houses that had shaped the early Republic no longer survived in the strength required to sustain it.
With their disappearance the old character of the Republic dissolved as well. The stern and austere virtues that had ordered Roman life, the discipline that shaped its armies, the aristocratic sense of honor that governed its magistrates, and the severe moral code that once bound patrician households to the service of the state all weakened as the Roman people who had embodied them faded from existence. The institutions remained in place, the rites still appeared in public life, and the ancestral customs could be seen in outward form, yet the character that had once guided these practices no longer existed within the people who now performed them.
Frank held that this loss produced a gradual alteration of Rome’s civic order as new populations, shaped by different inheritances, bent the old framework toward their own habits. He described this development as the “Orientalization of Rome,” a shift marked by the decline of the rural citizen armies and the slow death of the old soldier-farmer class that had formed the Republic’s martial and aristocratic core. The strict discipline once maintained by Italy’s older stock gave way to an urban temperament detached from the sterner demands that had governed the early state. What had once been a civic order rooted in a particular people now operated without that foundation, for those who had created it no longer possessed the continuity or the strength needed to sustain it.
Modern genetic research now confirms the trajectory Frank identified. Italians of the Republican period cluster with Western and Central Europeans, reflecting the ancient mixture of Steppe ancestry with early farming communities and the older hunter-gatherer strata. Samples from the imperial era shift toward inland Anatolia and the Syro-Levantine coast, revealing a deep turnover in the population of central and southern Italy. Late Antiquity introduces another movement as northern peoples entered during the Gothic and Lombard periods, restoring much of the earlier European profile. The genetic evidence aligns with Frank’s findings and renders his historical sequence in biological form.
Frank’s conclusion restates an older and more severe truth. Rome’s institutions survived in outward form, yet the blood that had created them was no longer present. The magistracies still convened, the rites continued, and the offices retained their ancient titles, but the European people who had founded Rome had vanished from the life of the empire.
This is the truth the modern West refuses to face. Civilizations do not fall because their institutions suddenly fail. They fall because the people who created and sustained those institutions are replaced or erased by populations incapable of carrying the old order forward. The outward frame of a civilization may persist for generations, as Rome’s did, yet it becomes a hollow structure once its racial core is lost.
The West stands upon a similar precipice at its own hour of decision. The buildings remain, the constitutions hold their authority, and the inherited political language is still spoken, yet the people who once gave these forms their character and purpose recede with growing speed. Rome shows that once a civilization’s biological foundation is altered, the outer shell may remain like a long-abandoned temple, but no statute or reform can bring back a people who have passed from the world and left no heirs to their own creation.
In the end, the empire fell for one reason alone. It was Roman in name, but no longer in blood.
Roman observers of the period often mistook these newcomers for Greeks because of their language, yet the inscriptions reveal a different truth. Their ancestry came not from the old Mediterranean Hellenes but from the Near Eastern provinces Rome had subdued; from the Hellenistic East. Greek served as the lingua franca of the Eastern Mediterranean, and enslaved populations used it in commerce and in the formulas that recorded their manumission. The cultural veneer was Hellenic, but the blood was Levantine and Anatolian. By the second century A.D., nearly nine in ten urban-born Romans were descended from slaves or freedmen, most of them bearing ancestry from Asia Minor or the Syro-Levantine coast. The old Italic and European stock that had created the Republic and carried it to its civilizational apex was withdrawing with measurable speed, replaced by peoples whose inherited dispositions stood far from those of the founders.
Frank emphasized that this demographic shift intensified when the older rural citizenry began to vanish from the Italian landscape. Continuous warfare across the third and second centuries B.C. removed men from their farms for long stretches, and the disappearance of these households broke the continuity of village life that had sustained the early Republic. As these families died out, their land passed into the hands of magnates who absorbed entire districts into sprawling farm estates worked by imported slaves. These latifundia spread across Italy with a magnitude unknown in earlier periods. The countryside lost the independent farmers who had supplied early armies and embodied the civic character of the Republic. In their place rose plantations worked by foreign slave populations whose manumission, carried out in large numbers, transformed the population of the cities. Frank regarded this extinction of the rural Roman stock as the pivotal change that reshaped Italy at its core.
The senatorial and patrician houses declined in a similar pattern, yet with an even sharper descent owing to their long-standing duty to command armies and take the field in person. The martial burdens of the Republic, once borne by these lineages as a matter of inherited honor, hastened their disappearance as war and political purges cut deeply into their ranks. Under Nero hundreds of senatorial families still existed. Under Hadrian only a small remnant survived. Of the patrician gentes, the most ancient hereditary clans that had once shaped Rome’s political and religious orders, only one remained. What had once been a living civic body rooted in ancient lineages now stood depleted, for the houses that had shaped the early Republic no longer survived in the strength required to sustain it.
With their disappearance the old character of the Republic dissolved as well. The stern and austere virtues that had ordered Roman life, the discipline that shaped its armies, the aristocratic sense of honor that governed its magistrates, and the severe moral code that once bound patrician households to the service of the state all weakened as the Roman people who had embodied them faded from existence. The institutions remained in place, the rites still appeared in public life, and the ancestral customs could be seen in outward form, yet the character that had once guided these practices no longer existed within the people who now performed them.
Frank held that this loss produced a gradual alteration of Rome’s civic order as new populations, shaped by different inheritances, bent the old framework toward their own habits. He described this development as the “Orientalization of Rome,” a shift marked by the decline of the rural citizen armies and the slow death of the old soldier-farmer class that had formed the Republic’s martial and aristocratic core. The strict discipline once maintained by Italy’s older stock gave way to an urban temperament detached from the sterner demands that had governed the early state. What had once been a civic order rooted in a particular people now operated without that foundation, for those who had created it no longer possessed the continuity or the strength needed to sustain it.
Modern genetic research now confirms the trajectory Frank identified. Italians of the Republican period cluster with Western and Central Europeans, reflecting the ancient mixture of Steppe ancestry with early farming communities and the older hunter-gatherer strata. Samples from the imperial era shift toward inland Anatolia and the Syro-Levantine coast, revealing a deep turnover in the population of central and southern Italy. Late Antiquity introduces another movement as northern peoples entered during the Gothic and Lombard periods, restoring much of the earlier European profile. The genetic evidence aligns with Frank’s findings and renders his historical sequence in biological form.
Frank’s conclusion restates an older and more severe truth. Rome’s institutions survived in outward form, yet the blood that had created them was no longer present. The magistracies still convened, the rites continued, and the offices retained their ancient titles, but the European people who had founded Rome had vanished from the life of the empire.
This is the truth the modern West refuses to face. Civilizations do not fall because their institutions suddenly fail. They fall because the people who created and sustained those institutions are replaced or erased by populations incapable of carrying the old order forward. The outward frame of a civilization may persist for generations, as Rome’s did, yet it becomes a hollow structure once its racial core is lost.
The West stands upon a similar precipice at its own hour of decision. The buildings remain, the constitutions hold their authority, and the inherited political language is still spoken, yet the people who once gave these forms their character and purpose recede with growing speed. Rome shows that once a civilization’s biological foundation is altered, the outer shell may remain like a long-abandoned temple, but no statute or reform can bring back a people who have passed from the world and left no heirs to their own creation.
In the end, the empire fell for one reason alone. It was Roman in name, but no longer in blood.
Hmm.
Real story here is the tanks. KSA has some 570 M1A2S Abrams bought in the last 12 yrs under Obama-era contracts. 20 of those (in 2016 buy) were replacements for tanks lost in Yemen.
Saudis also still operate some number of older M60A3 Patton MBTs (not clear but 300+).
1/x
Real story here is the tanks. KSA has some 570 M1A2S Abrams bought in the last 12 yrs under Obama-era contracts. 20 of those (in 2016 buy) were replacements for tanks lost in Yemen.
Saudis also still operate some number of older M60A3 Patton MBTs (not clear but 300+).
1/x
Not counting older French AMX-30 (reserve) that's ~870+, largest MBT inventory in/around Arabian Pen.
300 is a big buy. Assume more M1A2S Abrams, new upgrades. Replacing Pattons? Adding to current total?
Curious what threat concept is motivating the buy. Not nearly...
2/x
300 is a big buy. Assume more M1A2S Abrams, new upgrades. Replacing Pattons? Adding to current total?
Curious what threat concept is motivating the buy. Not nearly...
2/x
...as obvious as Cent/E. Europe & Russia, or China & Taiwan.
No wish to be a buzzkill, just asking. Legacy of "mass against Israel" motive from 1950s-70s isn't in play now. Hostile Iran regime of last 45 yrs on the ropes. Questions.🤨
3/3
No wish to be a buzzkill, just asking. Legacy of "mass against Israel" motive from 1950s-70s isn't in play now. Hostile Iran regime of last 45 yrs on the ropes. Questions.🤨
3/3
We know about Hemmadi Deva of seuna family a mahamandaleshwar of chalukya whose multiple inscription have been discovered(United dharwad-United Bijapur region), in the gadag inscription we can see mention of a specific Gavunda/Gouda along with 8 more.
(1/n)
(1/n)
This inscription says Hemmadi Deva Yadava of seuna family belonged to Hattgara(look pic2&3) lineage and Kalsena family(Most probably indicating Ratta of saundatti kalsena).
The santa Gauvnda/Gouda is here mentioned as Davalara a clan which was used by Rastrakutas across India.
Recently online maratha accounts tried to misinterpret Hatgara as traders and calling Kalsena here in inscription being unrelated to Kalsena of Ratta family, but these snippet below is enough to debunk their Hattgara misinterpretion.
(2/n)
The santa Gauvnda/Gouda is here mentioned as Davalara a clan which was used by Rastrakutas across India.
Recently online maratha accounts tried to misinterpret Hatgara as traders and calling Kalsena here in inscription being unrelated to Kalsena of Ratta family, but these snippet below is enough to debunk their Hattgara misinterpretion.
(2/n)
We can find mention of Davala in Far north, where The text praises a royal lineage. It begins with Harivarman and his wife Ruchi.
From Harivarman came Vidagdha (verse 5), who is described in the second inscription as a "Rashtrakuta" ruler. After Vidagdha, the kingship passed to Manmata (verse 8), and later to Dhavala (verse 9).
Dhavala is praised extensively in the inscription.
(3/n)
From Harivarman came Vidagdha (verse 5), who is described in the second inscription as a "Rashtrakuta" ruler. After Vidagdha, the kingship passed to Manmata (verse 8), and later to Dhavala (verse 9).
Dhavala is praised extensively in the inscription.
(3/n)
Part Three
1/ “The largest saline-placebo RCT in medical history.”
The 1954 Salk polio vaccine trial is the clearest evidence that childhood vaccines were tested against true saline placebos — at a scale we still haven’t repeated.
(Francis et al., Am J Public Health 1955; PMC1622829)
The 1954 Salk polio vaccine trial is the clearest evidence that childhood vaccines were tested against true saline placebos — at a scale we still haven’t repeated.
(Francis et al., Am J Public Health 1955; PMC1622829)
2/ 623,972 children were randomized. Half got the polio vaccine. Half got saline placebo. This remains one of the largest RCTs ever performed.
(Francis 1955; PMC1622829)
(Francis 1955; PMC1622829)
Part Two
1/ Why don’t vaccine trials always use saline placebos? Because once a safe, effective vaccine exists, withholding it is unethical under global medical standards.
(Declaration of Helsinki; DOI:10.1001/jama.2013.281053)
(Declaration of Helsinki; DOI:10.1001/jama.2013.281053)
2/ Ethics rule #1: You can only use a placebo if no proven therapy exists. If a child could be harmed by going unprotected, researchers must use a comparator vaccine, not saline.
(WMA Helsinki 2013; DOI:10.1001/jama.2013.281053)
(WMA Helsinki 2013; DOI:10.1001/jama.2013.281053)
Part One
1/ Yes — every childhood vaccine has undergone controlled testing, and many were tested in true saline-placebo RCTs. When comparators were used instead of saline, it was for ethical and scientific reasons, not shortcuts.
(WMA 2013; DOI:10.1001/jama.2013.281053)
(WMA 2013; DOI:10.1001/jama.2013.281053)
2/ Not all placebos are the same. Trials may use:
• Saline placebos (new platforms)
• Active placebos (adjuvant-only)
• Comparator vaccines (when withholding protection is unethical).
(WHO TRS 1004; 2017)
• Saline placebos (new platforms)
• Active placebos (adjuvant-only)
• Comparator vaccines (when withholding protection is unethical).
(WHO TRS 1004; 2017)
Here is my ultimate travel guide to Oman
I grew up here for the first 17 years of my life, and I go back every single year
Skip Dubai and Doha, this country is the real travel gem in the Middle East if you know where you're going:
I grew up here for the first 17 years of my life, and I go back every single year
Skip Dubai and Doha, this country is the real travel gem in the Middle East if you know where you're going:
1 - Go hike Wadi Shab
A wadi is a dry riverbed that only fills up when it rains, Oman is full of them
The best one is one of my favorite hikes in the world
45 minutes one way, followed by 3 natural pools you swim through & find an otherworldly natural cave on the other side
A wadi is a dry riverbed that only fills up when it rains, Oman is full of them
The best one is one of my favorite hikes in the world
45 minutes one way, followed by 3 natural pools you swim through & find an otherworldly natural cave on the other side
2 - Spend a night at Wahiba Sands
You haven't seen desert like this before
Imagine glamping overnight in the middle of a massive desert with literally nothing else around you
It's a surreal experience, you'll see a million camels en route and the stars look insane at night
You haven't seen desert like this before
Imagine glamping overnight in the middle of a massive desert with literally nothing else around you
It's a surreal experience, you'll see a million camels en route and the stars look insane at night
Getting ready to report on the School Committee meeting at 7
To be broadcast to Comcast 9, and Verizon 29 subscribers and YouTube bit.ly/FTV-TownHall
To be broadcast to Comcast 9, and Verizon 29 subscribers and YouTube bit.ly/FTV-TownHall
Follow along with the agenda
core-docs.s3.us-east-1.amazonaws.com/documents/asse…
core-docs.s3.us-east-1.amazonaws.com/documents/asse…
Supt Giguere opens session
Nominations for Chair, Griffith
Passes 7-0
Nominations for vice chair, Callaghan
Passes 7-0
Nominations for Chair, Griffith
Passes 7-0
Nominations for vice chair, Callaghan
Passes 7-0
Let's talk about part of "Kabbalah and the Rupture of Modernity" by Eli Rubin. A core idea is how a 16th-C idea of tzimtzum (divine contraction) prefigures Descartes’ mind-body dualism and the broader modern sense that being is discontinuous rather than seamlessly connected.
The core argument, put simply is, before Luria, most mystical and philosophical traditions imagined reality as a smooth flow from God to the world (like a pyramid with God at the top). Luria dramatically reversed this: God had to withdraw completely to create space for anything else to exist.
Rubin shows this “rupture” is not just a mystical detail. It is the original model for modern experiences of alienation, dualism (mind/body split), and the sense that existence itself is fragile or problematic. Chabad Hasidism, over generations, wrestled with this rupture and turned it into a hopeful, existential spirituality that speaks directly to modern life. We're going to focus mostly on Descartes here though.
Rubin shows this “rupture” is not just a mystical detail. It is the original model for modern experiences of alienation, dualism (mind/body split), and the sense that existence itself is fragile or problematic. Chabad Hasidism, over generations, wrestled with this rupture and turned it into a hopeful, existential spirituality that speaks directly to modern life. We're going to focus mostly on Descartes here though.
What is Tzimtzum anyway? Tzimtzum is not just a technical term; it is the origin of rupture. Before creation, infinite divine light filled everything. To create a finite world, God contracted Himself, withdrawing His light completely and leaving a void. This is no gentle dimming. It is a total, dramatic break with the older Neoplatonic idea of seamless emanation. The book insists this absolute rupture is the first modern idea, predating Descartes by decades. Rubin opens with the polysemy of the word itself, exploring translations like contraction, concentration, concealment, curtailment, or closure, and how these imply different relational dynamics between God and reality. Rubin engages debates between Gershom Scholem (a legendary historian), who saw tzimtzum evolving from concentration in Midrash to withdrawal in Lurianism, and Moshe Idel, who traced withdrawal back to medieval figures like Nahmanides. Rubin objects to Idel's view, noting that Nahmanides described only a partial handbreadth contraction introducing darkness, whereas Luria's version is a totalizing, equitable evacuation of light, leaving no direct antecedent. This absoluteness breaks with Neoplatonism's seamless emanation, where beings flow iteratively from the One. Instead, tzimtzum entails an infinite rupture, leveling the cosmic hierarchy so that all points, from crass physicality to spiritual apex, are equally removed from the infinite light, or eyn sof.
In Lurianic teaching, infinite divine light filled everything before creation, leaving no room for a finite world. God contracted Himself into a central point, withdrawing light to form a spherical void, then sent a straight line of light back in to build structured realms.
This is a dramatic, total rupture, not a gradual fade.
In Lurianic teaching, infinite divine light filled everything before creation, leaving no room for a finite world. God contracted Himself into a central point, withdrawing light to form a spherical void, then sent a straight line of light back in to build structured realms.
This is a dramatic, total rupture, not a gradual fade.
🧵HOW SAYLOR TURNS STRATEGY INTO A $10 TRILLION COMPANY - EASILY!
Listen up, snowflakes.
You don't buy MSTR because it "tracks Bitcoin".
You buy MSTR because it is quietly evolving into the central node of the BITCOIN CREDIT UNIVERSE.
This is a NEW SPECIES of CORPORATION.
AND THAT SPECIES ALWAYS WINS 👇
Listen up, snowflakes.
You don't buy MSTR because it "tracks Bitcoin".
You buy MSTR because it is quietly evolving into the central node of the BITCOIN CREDIT UNIVERSE.
This is a NEW SPECIES of CORPORATION.
AND THAT SPECIES ALWAYS WINS 👇
Let's begin by talking about BITCOIN AMPLIFICATION:
Amplification = Notional Preferred / BTC NAV
At 50% amplification, Strategy has:
Preferred Notional = 0.50 × BTC NAV
Right now, Strategy’s BTC NAV is roughly: $60.4B
So 50% amplification means:
$30.2B of perpetual preferred capacity.
Thirty. Billion. Dollars.
Of non-maturing, non-recourse, perpetual capital backed by Bitcoin.
This is not debt. This is not common equity.
This is synthetic Bitcoin leverage without liquidation risk.
Amplification = Notional Preferred / BTC NAV
At 50% amplification, Strategy has:
Preferred Notional = 0.50 × BTC NAV
Right now, Strategy’s BTC NAV is roughly: $60.4B
So 50% amplification means:
$30.2B of perpetual preferred capacity.
Thirty. Billion. Dollars.
Of non-maturing, non-recourse, perpetual capital backed by Bitcoin.
This is not debt. This is not common equity.
This is synthetic Bitcoin leverage without liquidation risk.
How Much Bitcoin Can Strategy Buy at 50% Amplification?
At BTC ≈ $93k, $30.2B buys ≈324,000 BTC
Yes.
324,000 BTC.
Added on top of the 649,870 BTC they already hold.
That alone would take Strategy to 973,870 BTC
They would be 27,000 BTC away from ONE MILLION BITCOIN.
Think that's unrealistic?
THEY RAISED $800 MILLION LAST WEEK.
$7.7 BILLION IN JUST THIS YEAR IN PREFERRED EQUITY.
$26 BILLION IN COMMON EQUITY.
THE TRADING VOLUME OF THE STRATEGY PREFS IS OVER 3X WHAT IS WAS TWO MONTHS AGO.
50% AMPLIFICATION IS INEVITABLE BECAUSE THE BEST PRODUCT ALWAYS WINS IN THE MARKETPLACE AND TRADITIONAL FIXED INCOME PRODUCTS CAN'T TOUCH THESE YIELDS.
At BTC ≈ $93k, $30.2B buys ≈324,000 BTC
Yes.
324,000 BTC.
Added on top of the 649,870 BTC they already hold.
That alone would take Strategy to 973,870 BTC
They would be 27,000 BTC away from ONE MILLION BITCOIN.
Think that's unrealistic?
THEY RAISED $800 MILLION LAST WEEK.
$7.7 BILLION IN JUST THIS YEAR IN PREFERRED EQUITY.
$26 BILLION IN COMMON EQUITY.
THE TRADING VOLUME OF THE STRATEGY PREFS IS OVER 3X WHAT IS WAS TWO MONTHS AGO.
50% AMPLIFICATION IS INEVITABLE BECAUSE THE BEST PRODUCT ALWAYS WINS IN THE MARKETPLACE AND TRADITIONAL FIXED INCOME PRODUCTS CAN'T TOUCH THESE YIELDS.
🇵🇱🇺🇦🇷🇺
Russia's sabotage is getting bolder.
FSB blew up Polish rails to Ukraine — saboteurs fled to Belarus.
They’re not stopping — they’re escalating.
Russia's sabotage is getting bolder.
FSB blew up Polish rails to Ukraine — saboteurs fled to Belarus.
They’re not stopping — they’re escalating.
🇵🇱🇺🇦🇺🇸🇷🇺
"I have no doubt that the Russians are behind the damage to Poland's rail infrastructure," - Darrell Blocker, former head of a CIA training center and a counterterrorism expert.
wiadomosci.onet.pl/kraj/ekspert-c…
"I have no doubt that the Russians are behind the damage to Poland's rail infrastructure," - Darrell Blocker, former head of a CIA training center and a counterterrorism expert.
wiadomosci.onet.pl/kraj/ekspert-c…
🇵🇱🇺🇦🇷🇺
The FSB hit a key rail corridor carrying aid to Ukraine.
Two Ukrainians were used as cover.
The tracks were blown up with an explosive — & police found a camera & a second undetonated device, proof of a wider plan.
This is state-sponsored terrorism.
cyfrowa.rp.pl/it/art43355721…
The FSB hit a key rail corridor carrying aid to Ukraine.
Two Ukrainians were used as cover.
The tracks were blown up with an explosive — & police found a camera & a second undetonated device, proof of a wider plan.
This is state-sponsored terrorism.
cyfrowa.rp.pl/it/art43355721…
