1. With two of the subpoenas for @realDonaldTrump's financial records likely to make their way to #SCOTUS in the next 36 hours, I wanted to put together a detailed #thread walking through where we are and what happens next.

Apologies in advance, but this is going to get nerdy.
2. The first case is Trump v. Vance, arising out of a subpoena issued to Mazars by New York County (Manhattan) District Attorney Cyrus Vance. In that case, the President has asked the federal courts to issue an injunction barring Mazars from complying with a _state_ subpoena.
3. The district court refused to issue the requested injunction. Last Monday, the federal appeals court affirmed that decision, almost entirely because it concluded that President Trump did not have a substantial "likelihood of success on the merits."

assets.documentcloud.org/documents/6538…
4. But in that case, Vance agreed that he would not attempt to enforce the subpoena until #SCOTUS rules, so long as Trump filed his appeal (a "cert. petition") within 10 days of the Second Circuit's ruling (instead of the 90 days allowed under the rules). That deadline is today.
5. That means that, so long as Trump files today, there will be no emergency for #SCOTUS to resolve in the Vance case; it can address the cert. petition in "ordinary course."

Vance would have 30 days to respond (I doubt he'd use them all), and Trump would have 14 days to reply.
6. #SCOTUS usually decides whether to take up new cases at its regular "Conference." And after Friday, December 13, its next regular Conference isn't until Friday, January 10. So I think it's a good bet that _that's_ when the Justices would decide whether to take the Vance case.
7. A mid-January grant is just about the last moment the Court can typically add a case and still have it argued and decided during the current Term.

So if that happens in the Vance case, I think we'd be looking at oral argument in April, and a decision by the week of June 29.
8. The D.C. case, arising out of a subpoena from the House Oversight Committee to Mazars, is a bit trickier. As in New York, the district court rejected Trump's effort to bar Mazars from complying with the subpoena. And last month, the D.C. Circuit (by a 2-1 vote) agreed.
9. And yesterday, the Court of Appeals declined Trump's request to have the full court rehear his appeal:

assets.documentcloud.org/documents/6548…

But my understanding is that, _unlike_ in the Vance case, the House has _not_ agreed to hold off on enforcing the subpoena pending #SCOTUS review.
10. If that's correct, then Trump will not only likely _appeal_ that ruling to #SCOTUS, but he'll also likely first ask the Justices for a "stay," that is, an order freezing the status quo (and preventing enforcement of the subpoena) while that appeal is pending before the Court.
11. In general, a stay is an extraordinary remedy, and most applications for them are denied by the Court. Not only does the applicant have to convince five Justices that he is likely to prevail on the merits, but he has to show that, absent a stay, he'll suffer irreparable harm.
12. But as I've documented in a brand-new @HarvLRev essay, the Trump administration has asked for _far_ more stays from #SCOTUS than its predecessors (the next request will be the 22nd in less than three years)—and has received relief far more often:

harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/upl…
13. And an application for a stay tends to be resolved much faster than a cert. petition. So even though we may not know until January whether the Court will take the Vance case, we may know by Thanksgiving whether there are five votes to freeze the status quo for the time being.
14. Which leads to the most important point: There are plenty of reasons why a Justice who is otherwise inclined to vote against Trump on the merits might still want to freeze the status quo until the full Court can conduct plenary review.

But the reverse is not remotely true.
15. Thus, if #SCOTUS grants a stay in the D.C. case, I think all that we can reasonably conclude from that is that the Justices are likely to take one or both of these cases on the merits and decide them this Term—without any meaningful insight into how they'll ultimately rule.
16. But if the Court _denies_ a stay, even by a 5-4 vote, that would be a huge setback for Trump, and a pretty powerful sign that, whether the Court ends up taking one or both cases on the merits or not, the cases are quite likely to end with him losing.

What happens then?
17. It's easy to understand why folks might be worried about Trump defying an adverse #SCOTUS ruling in one of these cases.

But here, he's not the defendant; he's the plaintiff. And there's no reason to believe that Mazars, on the far side of such a ruling, wouldn't comply.
18. Of course, the damaging nature of the information sought in these subpoenas may end up paling in comparison to what's already public and what's coming out in the House hearings. But hopefully this helps put into perspective the legal steps as these cases get to #SCOTUS.

/end

• • •

Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to force a refresh
 

Keep Current with Steve Vladeck

Steve Vladeck Profile picture

Stay in touch and get notified when new unrolls are available from this author!

Read all threads

This Thread may be Removed Anytime!

PDF

Twitter may remove this content at anytime! Save it as PDF for later use!

Try unrolling a thread yourself!

how to unroll video
  1. Follow @ThreadReaderApp to mention us!

  2. From a Twitter thread mention us with a keyword "unroll"
@threadreaderapp unroll

Practice here first or read more on our help page!

More from @steve_vladeck

Feb 10
In my research into the history of #SCOTUS’s shadow docket, I’ve long been puzzled at why, circa 1980, the Court stopped formally adjourning over the summer — and instead simply “rose” for its recess, preserving its ability to rule without formally returning for a “Special Term.”
With a big assist from superstar RA @bonnie_e_d, we now have the answer: It was a response to the sharp rise in emergency applications related to impending executions — which (unsurprisingly) ticked up sharply starting in 1979, as states began to carry out post-Gregg executions.
Why did that require the Court to remain in session? Before 1972, individual Justices routinely handled execution-related applications.

The problem by 1980 is that the Court was bitterly divided over the death penalty, so there were reasons to not give one Justice the last word.
Read 4 tweets
Jan 28
This is at least the 14th lawsuit that Paxton (to say nothing of other TX officials) has filed against the Biden Administration in 373 days.

And like 12 of the first 13, it was filed in a single-judge division so that they could literally hand-pick a Trump appointee to hear it.
Here's more on the judge-shopping problem, and why it's especially pernicious here in Texas:

msnbc.com/opinion/texas-…
Of the 14 cases I've tracked, this is the fifth to be filed in Amarillo *alone*, where Judge Kacsmaryk hears 95% of all civil cases:

txnd.uscourts.gov/sites/default/…
Read 4 tweets
Jan 24
Memorializing my earlier tweet on the UNC affirmative action case, here's a chart on how much more often #SCOTUS is granting certiorari "before judgment":

3 grants from June 1988–August 2004;
0 grants from August 2004–February 2019; and
*14* grants from February 2019–present.
These are cases in which the Court is bypassing the courts of appeals to expedite plenary merits review.

And I chose June 1988 because that's the last time Congress meaningfully altered the Court's appellate jurisdiction (including with respect to certiorari "before judgment").
Two things that my earlier tweet got wrong:

I had counted *15* recent grants because I wrongly included a companion case that was *not* before judgment; and

I had suggested the cutoff was January 2018 not February 2019 because I had miscoded an interim order in the Census case.
Read 4 tweets
Jan 24
Certiorari "before judgment" is supposed to be an exceptionally rare practice through which #SCOTUS bypasses courts of appeals to expedite full review of merits cases. From Aug. 2004–Jan. 2018, #SCOTUS granted *0* such petitions. Today’s grant in the UNC case is the *15th* since.
This is not an indictment of any one of those 15 grants. But it certainly seems worth trying to get at *why,* all of a sudden, there are so many cases that the Justices believe meet the historically onerous criteria of Rule 11—when, for the better part of 14 years, there were 0.
List of the 15 CBJ grants since 1/18:

UNC
ZF Automotive
Alix Partners
U.S. v. Texas
Whole Woman’s Health
Gish
Higgs
Robinson v. Murphy
High Plains Harvest Church
Harvest Rock Church
McAleenan v. Vidal
Trump v. NAACP
Ross v. California
Dep’t of Commerce v. NY
DHS v. Regents U-Cal
Read 5 tweets
Nov 2, 2021
The Supreme Court's 1908 ruling in Ex parte Young was a judicial expansion of remedies to enforce the Constitution that came in direct response to efforts by a state (Minnesota) to thwart the enforcement of a controversial constitutional right by exploiting prior #SCOTUS rulings
Against that backdrop, the outrage at the possibility that the current Supreme Court might revisit the core principles underlying that decision in response to similarly deliberate efforts by a state to frustrate the enforcement of constitutional rights is rather ... ahistorical.
Ex parte Young got around Hans v. Louisiana—which held that states can’t be sued in federal court without their consent (by reading the word “another” out of the Eleventh Amendment)—by holding that suits against state officers *aren’t* against the state, at least under the 11A.
Read 4 tweets
Nov 1, 2021
This prediction is worth what you paid for it, but it sure *feels* like this is heading toward a very narrow, 6-3 ruling holding that Ex parte Young *doesn't* preclude injunctive relief against court clerks in these specific circumstances — and remanding for further proceedings.
And that holding might be enough to convince a broader majority to punt the federal government's case (and deny DOJ's application to vacate the Fifth Circuit's stay on mootness grounds).
One big clue will be how many Justices during the U.S. v. Texas argument ask about what happens to the DOJ suit if they rule for the providers in the first case...
Read 4 tweets

Did Thread Reader help you today?

Support us! We are indie developers!


This site is made by just two indie developers on a laptop doing marketing, support and development! Read more about the story.

Become a Premium Member ($3/month or $30/year) and get exclusive features!

Become Premium

Don't want to be a Premium member but still want to support us?

Make a small donation by buying us coffee ($5) or help with server cost ($10)

Donate via Paypal

Or Donate anonymously using crypto!

Ethereum

0xfe58350B80634f60Fa6Dc149a72b4DFbc17D341E copy

Bitcoin

3ATGMxNzCUFzxpMCHL5sWSt4DVtS8UqXpi copy

Thank you for your support!

Follow Us on Twitter!

:(