As a US citizen, I’m getting ready to cast my vote in the Democratic global primary. Only one choice: @BernieSanders. @Bernie2020UK
On the most basic level, policies Sanders is promoting, on issues like healthcare, wages, and education, would represent an enormous leap forward in terms of material standards of living for working-class people in America, and a huge blow to the far-right bigotry of Trumpism.
Getting rid of Trump is just one necessary act in the war against the reaction Trumpism is part of, but it is very necessary, and very much in the interests of civilised humanity everywhere. A vote for Sanders is a vote for the candidate I believe is most able to beat Trump.
As a US citizen living abroad, who won’t be personally affected by Sanders’ domestic policies, voting for him is also in part an act of solidarity with those struggling to win them on the ground.
I guess that distance gives me the luxury of thinking about voting for Sanders more in terms of what it represents in the context of a wider politics, rather than just in terms of immediate zero-sum electoralism.
I think the movement around Sanders has immense potential. It has revived socialism as an idea in mass political discourse in the USA in a way not seen for generations.
Sanders’ socialism isn’t my socialism; he often cites Scandinavian social democracy, or FDR New Deal statism, as models to aspire to. I think we can do better than both.
But he does talk about class struggle, about taxing the rich, about empowering the working class economically and politically. He’s explicit about supporting unions and supporting and encouraging strikes.
On some of the policy areas where others on the far left say he’s weak, like supporting a two-states settlement in Israel/Palestine or being critical of authoritarian governments like Maduro’s, I think his instincts are qualitatively better than default far-left common sense.
A Sanders candidacy, or even presidency, isn’t “the answer”: a mass working-class socialist movement organised in workplaces and communities is. But I believe a Sanders candidacy/presidency can help create better conditions for building that. That’s also why I’m voting for him.
Registering as a Democrat in 2016 wasn’t something I ever thought I’d do. I believed, and still believe, that the Democrats are an electoral machine for a wing of the US ruling class, partially enmeshed with the state, rather than a political party of the type that Labour is.
But the Sanders movement has proved that Democratic presidential primaries can be used to advance socialist ideas, and (potentially) build a movement. If Sanders wins, that’d represent a political earthquake that could very well split the Democrats in several directions.
Where I part ways with a lot of fellow Sanders supporters, and perhaps with Sanders himself, is that I see those splits as positives to actively work towards, rather than a negative outcome to be avoided.
I definitely don’t see interventionist work in the Democrats as something US socialists should be pursuing. Strategic use of primaries shouldn’t occlude an analysis of the Democrats as tied to capital.
I don’t think the Democratic Party can be “reclaimed” or “reformed” on any meaningful level. The path to an independent working-class political party in the US lies through a break from the Democrats, not a doomed attempt to “reclaim” them.
But this requires building up the forces capable of affecting such a break, and Sanders winning would create radical new possibilities for building those forces. That’s why, despite my view of the Democrats, I’m happy, and hopeful, about voting for him. #Sanders2020
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When Jews see a protest where even a small minority has placards or slogans that express racism towards them, many will worry and object.
But lots of people on Palestine demos oppose it too and can be allies against antisemitism.
Find ways to make links! 🧵
This is not a matter of PR/optics. The reason to oppose even small pockets of antisemitism on demos is not because it makes the cause “look bad.”
It’s because the presence of antisemitism in any movement is toxifying. You can’t fight for equality whilst tolerating bigotry.
If we want to have a real and productive conversation around this, it will require some compromise and understanding on both “sides.” (Palestine solidarity activism and majority Jewish political identity/opinion don’t have to be counterposed “sides” but unfortunately often are.)
Some thoughts on David Miller’s latest pearls of wisdom about (((them))):
1) Not being socioeconomically oppressed does not mean you can’t experience racism or discrimination. Not all racialised bigotry is impelled by the state or linked to class exploitation.
🧵
2) Metrics about representation of a minority group in positions of power often don’t tell you much by themselves. The richest person in Britain is Indian. Does his “disproportionate” power protect all Indian-background people from experiencing racism?
3) Jewish “overrepresentation” in banking, finance, etc., has clearly traceable origins, in the forced siloing of Jews into commercial/mercantile trades by medieval antisemitism in Europe. But to Miller, it’s simply evidence of insidious Jewish power.
Claims that “the Israel lobby cancelled Corbyn” and that a UK MP is being controlled by “his masters in Tel Aviv” are not instances of misstated “support for Palestine”. They are claims that a hidden (Jewish) power controls world affairs. That’s antisemitism.
You don’t have to believe that Jews are racially inferior to non-Jews, the racialised antisemitism of the Nazis, to think in those terms. In fact, you can be a sincere opponent of that kind of antisemitism whilst still recycling other forms.
You may think your opposition is not to “Jews as Jews”, but only to a political power (“Zionism”). But conspiracist claims about the hidden, world-shaping power of Israel and “Zionism” are antisemitic nonetheless. David Miller’s work shows where the logic takes you…
Far-right antisemitism is certainly more “dangerous”, in the sense of immediately imperilling Jewish safety. But that doesn’t mean other forms of antisemitism aren’t “real”. 🧵
The threat posed by left antisemitism isn’t that its adherents are likely to start physically attacking Jews, but that by accepting, even implicitly, antisemitism’s “pseudo-emancipatory” claims, it can mislead and poison attempts to develop a *genuinely* emancipatory project.
I’ve sometimes posed it in terms of left-AS being more of a threat *to the left* than it is “to Jews” as such. That’s a provocative and maybe hyperbolic way of stating it, and obviously “Jews” and “the left” aren’t mutually exclusive categories, but I think that frame has value.
One of several risks in aftermath of the #FordeReport is that discussion around antisemitism, and other bigotries, in the party/movement yet again gets lost in weeds of process, procedure, and bureaucracy, rather than being about a political confrontation with reactionary ideas.
The most robust and efficient complaints procedure in the world is not going to uproot bigoted or reactionary ideas. Obviously those procedures should be improved (although “make it easier to expel people” shouldn’t be the aim), but changing ideas requires political education.
On antisemitism, the issue I’ve been most engaged with, successive Labour leaderships have failed on this. Under Corbyn, one decent educational resource (the ‘No Place for Antisemitism’ pamphlet) was produced, but there was no accompanying drive to use it for ongoing education.
There’s a lot about “lockdown spirit” (icky term but indulge it as a shorthand) that was very admirable, emerging from a sense of social solidarity that impelled us to make major personal sacrifices for the sake of the greater collective good. (1/4)
But the same period also gave rise to a lot of petty, embittered, curtain-twitching social spite that saw the whole experience as an opportunity to snitch on and do down other people: the exact opposite of appealing to a sense of social solidarity. (2/4)
In different ways, I think both dynamics are at play in the responses to #Partygate (which is rightly seen as an affront to the former) and #Beergate (which seems to me to have a lot to do with the latter). (3/4)