Absolutely brutal #CPI number out from #ABS today: prices fell 1.9% in June quarter. That's deflation at an annualized rate of 7.3%--by far the biggest price decline in Aussie postwar history. Inflation was too close to 0 *before* #COVID19, so there's no room to maneuver now...2
In case anyone thinks falling prices is somehow 'good' for consumers, keep in mind:
* Consumers stop buying (waiting for still lower prices).
* Real burden of debts grows .
* Investment is chilled by fear of falling nominal revenues.
Deflation is what happens in a depression ...3
Regarding the fear that big govt deficits and RBA bond-buying raises a big risk of hyper-inflation, keep in mind:
* We need more inflation, not less.
* Inflation will help reduce real burden of COVID deficits.
* RBA has undershot its CPI target for 6 straight years. ...4
RBA should be instructed to commit publicly to renewed aggressive bond-buying ($10b+ per month) until unemployment is well below 5% and inflation exceeds its target. This will both push inflation expectations back up and facilitate aggressive spending by govt. ...5
Onset of deflation also confirms catastrophic failure of wage-setting in Australia. 7 straight yrs of record-low wage growth (2% avg since 2013) explains 6 straight yrs of below-target inflation. Yet Coalition govt wants more IR 'flexibility' to keep wages even lower! #WTF ...6
Australia must snuff out this deflation quickly, with:
* Aggressive fiscal injections, backstopped by extended RBA bond-buying. (RBA has stopped its bond-buying far too early).
* Aggressive measures to boost wages: including higher min wage and revitalised collective bargaining.
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Crude oil prices are down $14/b (20%) in the last week. Apart from acute embarrassment for Danielle Smith (who called Trump's tariffs last week a "big win for Alberta & Canada"), there's an important lesson to be learned here about how crude oil futures markets work. #cdnecon /2
This thread draws on analysis of oil futures markets from @futurework_cda's recent report, "Counting the Costs": . It computes the costs of the 2022 oil price spike: directly & indirectly it cost the average Canadian household $12,000 over 3 years. /3 falseprofits.ca/reports
Prices for various specific crudes are set in relation to key benchmarks (mostly WTI & Brent) which are set on futures markets. Futures markets are financial markets. They don't trade in oil; they trade in contracts which are promises to deliver oil at some time in the future. /4
Trump says any car “not made in America” gets a 25% tariff. That means EVERY car gets a tariff, cuz there’s no such thing as a “car made in America.” Only cars made in NORTH America. Every one of which has a lot of 🇨🇦🇺🇸 and 🇲🇽 content in it. #cdnecon /2
More Americans will be hurt by this than Canadians and Mexicans, cuz far more Americans are employed making North American cars… and their plants will all be screwed up by this, too. /3
Trump’s musings about pro-rating the tariff to reflect US parts content in imported vehicles, all by next Wednesday, are laughable. It would take years and enormous data & bureaucracy to set up a system like that. These clowns can’t even run a private group chat. /4
“Who’s Subsidizing Whom?” I have written a new report for the Centre for Future Work @futurework_cda rebutting Trump’s arguments that the U.S. “subsidizes” Canada through its bilateral trade deficit: . #cdnecon #cdnpoli #canlab /2centreforfuturework.ca/wp-content/upl…
First, that deficit is 1/5 as large as Trump claims ($40bUS not $200b), US trade is more balanced with us than other partners (they sell us 92c for every $ they buy) & a deficit isn’t a “subsidy” anyway. Their big surplus in services offsets much of the deficit in merchandise. /3
In fact I identify 3 ways Canada-US trade diverges from normal practice. In effect, these are ways WE subsidize THEM: 1. Cheap secure oil, with access for US corp's to profit 2. Huge services imports--underreported, largely untaxed 3. Cheap credit to help finance their deficit /4
Odd framing in @TorontoStar's cvg of the strike by (uncertified) Amazon workers in the US: . Of course their 'Cdn counterparts will not be joining': as @TheLawofWork has explained, non-certified workers in 🇨🇦 have no rights to protected concerted action. /2thestar.com/business/amazo…
Before anyone jumps to the conclusion that US workers therefore have more power, remember that once Canadian workers get a certification (as they have in Quebec, and are seeking in BC & elsewhere), they have far more power--including to get an arbitrated 1st contract. /3
And 🇨🇦's Rand formula then guarantees that the union (duly certified by a majority of workers, and via a contract then ratified by another majority of workers) can collect dues to stably fund the infrastructure of bargaining and representation. /4
We have released a new report today from @CntrFutureWork on the economic benefits that are already visible from 🇨🇦's new $10-a-day national early learning & child care (ELCC) program: #cdnpoli #cdnecon /2 centreforfuturework.ca/wp-content/upl…
Economists have long shown ELCC's many economic gains, via:
* Direct jobs in the ELCC sector
* Indirect / induced activity in upstream (supply chain) & downstream (consumer) industries
* Increased female labour supply
* Long-run gains from enhanced learning capacity in kids
/3
So it's gratifying to see this actually happening in real-time from the new national 🇨🇦 program:
* 40,000 new jobs in ELCC since 2019
* Better earnings and hours for ELCC workers
* 175,000 new female FTE labour supply (from higher participation & more full-time work)
/4
OK sir, now let's do 2024.
Hourly wages (measured by the LFS) have grown twice as fast as prices (measured by the CPI) in the last 12 mos.
And by the way, there are several other serious problems with that original chart, in addition to it being 2 years out of date. #cdnecon /2
A. You don't calculate change in real wage by subtracting the inflation rate from % wage growth. You must calculate an index (dividing wage by CPI) and measure how that changes.
B. The proper change in so-called 'pay' (more on this below) for 2022 was thus -4.0%, not -4.3% /3
C. The StatsCan report which Mr Poilievre cites explicitly states (in both text & charts) that the real income change was -4.0%, not -4.3%. (They can do the math right.) So the CPC chart-makers deliberately chose to use a higher (but false) number. They can't claim ignorance. /4