Mike Becker Profile picture
Aug 5, 2020 15 tweets 7 min read Read on X
Update: @Facebook has filed its opposition to #TheGambia’s §1782 request in US Federal Court for discovery re the #genocide case against #Myanmar at the #ICJ. @Gambia_MOJ seeks access to a wide range of public and private communications by Myanmar officials. #Rohingya 1/15
A short summary: @Facebook argues that the proposed discovery order would require it to violate the Stored Communications Act (SCA)(§ 2702(a)), a US law that prohibits providers of an ‘electronic communications service’ from disclosing the content of user communications. 2/15
@Facebook points to other means for The Gambia to seek the requested information, namely the SCA exception referring to the state-to-state procedure in 18 USC § 2523 (see law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18…), or pursuant to mutual legal assistance provisions in various treaties. 3/15
@Facebook also argues that The Gambia’s request is extraordinarily broad & not narrowly-tailored, as required. Per Facebook, the request fails to identify any accounts with sufficient specificity for Facebook to determine which accounts are within the scope of the request. 4/15
Also per Facebook, #TheGambia seeks special, unbounded access to account info that no other government in the world (not even the US) has available to it in any other proceeding. FB also rejects the relevance of requests re its internal policies & investigations on Myanmar. 5/15
Without taking a position on the overall merits of Facebook’s argument in opposition to #TheGambia's request, I have a few preliminary observations and questions. 6/15
1. Facebook objects to the request seeking data from several years before the 2016-17 events that are the focus of the #ICJ case. This misses the point; earlier evidence may help to establish genocidal intent & a state policy aimed at physical destruction of the #Rohingya. 7/15
2. Facebook’s argument seems focused on the legal bar to disclosing private communications by users. It's not clear the SCA covers material posted *publicly* by Myanmar users and then taken down (and made inaccessible) by Facebook (a big part of The Gambia’s request). 8/15
2a. If the SCA provisions do not cover materials that @Facebook users shared publicly, this suggests that a more narrowly-tailored request under §1782 could avoid the SCA issue (Facebook argues that the Court has no obligation to ‘trim’ an overbroad request). 9/15
3. Facebook’s argument that the request lacks sufficient specificity seems disingenuous. It’s hard to square with The Gambia’s identification of 19 individuals and organization whose accounts were banned, and… 10/15
3a. …The Gambia also refers to 438 Facebook pages, 17 groups, 145 accounts, and 15 @instagram accounts in Myanmar that were removed in October/December 2018, plus posts by the military-owned Myawady TV station. This is fairly specific. 11/15
3b. @Facebook's argument that it can't tell what accounts are within the scope of the request seems unconvincing. The Gambia’s request refers to accounts in Myanmar that FB itself already banned or suspended during the specified timeframe. 12/15
3c. @TheGambia is not asking @Facebook *now* to identify FB accounts that may have engaged in suspect activity. It is seeking materials relating to accounts in Myanmar that Facebook previously took action against, as FB has documented. 13/15
There's undoubtedly much more to say about the @Facebook response. I’d welcome thoughts from those with §1782 experience. Should @Gambia_MOJ explore the §2523 option? Should the §1782 request be limited to (formerly) public documents? Do any other SCA exceptions apply? 14/15
The Gambia did not preemptively deal with Facebook’s SCA defense in its §1782 application, so we will see what they have to say. The response is due 11 August. -END-

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More from @mabecker17

Sep 25
There’s a lot of buzz about announced plans by Australia, Canada, Germany & Netherlands to jointly sue #Afghanistan at the International Court of Justice (@CIJ_ICJ) for alleged violations of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Woman (#CEDAW).
As far as I know, this would mark only the second time that a state has sought to base ICJ jurisdiction on CEDAW art 29. But the @guardian piece about the announcement appears to be a bit mixed up about how this will work. theguardian.com/world/2024/sep…
CEDAW art 29 requires the state bringing a case about a CEDAW dispute to first attempt to settle the dispute by negotiation. If negotiations fail, that state must request ad hoc arbitration (not by the ICJ). This triggers the six-month period referred to in the article.
Read 9 tweets
May 16
This @BBCNews piece addresses recent confusion about the term ‘plausibility’ in ICJ decisions: . It mostly gets this right; the ICJ refers formally to plausibility of 'rights’ rather than ‘claims’. But there is some lingering confusion here. 1/8bbc.com/news/articles/…
The article discusses a debate within the UK about whether the ICJ's January order—in which the ICJ found the rights at issue to be plausible AND a real & imminent risk of irreparable prejudice to those rights—meant it was incorrect to refer to a ‘plausible risk of genocide’. 2/8
The article describes this as a debate about whether the ICJ ‘was convinced there was a risk of that happening’. But is THAT really what the debate was about? The January order made it very clear that the ICJ saw a real risk of Genocide Convention violations *going forward*. 3/8
Read 8 tweets
May 10
South Africa returns to the #ICJ once again seeking urgent provisional measures against #Israel. The request asks the ICJ to order Israel to immediately withdraw and cease the offensive in Rafah and relinquish control of the Rafah & Kerem Shalom crossings to allow in aid. 1/14
Very strong language: SA describes the #Rafah assault as ‘killing the Palestinian people of Gaza, while Israel is simultaneously starving them, and deliberately denying them humanitarian aid and the basic necessities of life’ (¶19). 2/14
The focus of the request is on how new facts (namely the Rafah assault & shutting down humanitarian aid entry points) amounts to a new urgent risk of irreparable prejudice harm to the rights at issue in the case. 3/14
Read 14 tweets
Apr 26
Re Judge Donoghue's @BBCHARDtalk interview: I realize this won't satisfy many people, but there is a difference between saying (1) that the ICJ did not decide that claims of genocide are plausible (what she said) and (2) that the Court decided that such claims are NOT plausible.
The ICJ did NOT reject South Africa's genocide claims or declare than implausible (this is consistent with Judge Donoghue's remarks). One could instead think about this (i.e., plausibility of the *claim*) as a question the Court did not need to decide in granting interim relief.
What gets lost is that the ICJ found a real & imminent risk of irreparable prejudice to the plausible rights of Palestinians in Gaza. This is forward looking. This can be reasonably construed as a finding that S. Africa established a plausible risk of genocide *going forward*.
Read 5 tweets
Apr 9
Having now had the chance to read the Day 2 transcript in #Nicaragua v #Germany, I think Nicaragua may come up empty at the #ICJ. Not because the law means that Nicaragua’s claims are fundamentally flawed or inadmissible, but because the facts, it appears, are on Germany’s side.
Germany’s argument on prima facie jurisdiction (plus Monetary Gold) was not wholly convincing. The key difference b/w claims based on existence of a serious risk of IHL violations/genocide versus claims requiring prior establishment of violations was too easily brushed aside.
That said, I would not discount Germany’s arguments about Nicaragua’s alleged failure to have established the existence of a dispute prior to bringing the case. This case may (unhelpfully?) demonstrate why the dispute requirement (which I strongly dislike) has some merit.
Read 7 tweets
Mar 28
In response to #SouthAfrica’s request of 6 March 2024 & the deteriorating situation in #Gaza, the #ICJ has modified the provisional measures that it indicated against #Israel on 26 January. Here are some key points and observations on the decision and the separate opinions.🧵1/20
What has the ICJ ordered Israel to do? By unanimous vote, the Court directed Israel to take all necessary and effective measures to ensure unhindered provision at scale of urgently needed aid and basic services, including by increasing the number of land crossing points. 2/20
By 15-1, the Court ordered Israel to ensure that its military does not commit acts which violate the rights of Palestinians in Gaza as a protected group under the Genocide Convention, including by preventing delivery of humanitarian aid. 3/20
Read 20 tweets

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