Mike Becker Profile picture
Aug 5, 2020 15 tweets 7 min read Read on X
Update: @Facebook has filed its opposition to #TheGambia’s §1782 request in US Federal Court for discovery re the #genocide case against #Myanmar at the #ICJ. @Gambia_MOJ seeks access to a wide range of public and private communications by Myanmar officials. #Rohingya 1/15
A short summary: @Facebook argues that the proposed discovery order would require it to violate the Stored Communications Act (SCA)(§ 2702(a)), a US law that prohibits providers of an ‘electronic communications service’ from disclosing the content of user communications. 2/15
@Facebook points to other means for The Gambia to seek the requested information, namely the SCA exception referring to the state-to-state procedure in 18 USC § 2523 (see law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18…), or pursuant to mutual legal assistance provisions in various treaties. 3/15
@Facebook also argues that The Gambia’s request is extraordinarily broad & not narrowly-tailored, as required. Per Facebook, the request fails to identify any accounts with sufficient specificity for Facebook to determine which accounts are within the scope of the request. 4/15
Also per Facebook, #TheGambia seeks special, unbounded access to account info that no other government in the world (not even the US) has available to it in any other proceeding. FB also rejects the relevance of requests re its internal policies & investigations on Myanmar. 5/15
Without taking a position on the overall merits of Facebook’s argument in opposition to #TheGambia's request, I have a few preliminary observations and questions. 6/15
1. Facebook objects to the request seeking data from several years before the 2016-17 events that are the focus of the #ICJ case. This misses the point; earlier evidence may help to establish genocidal intent & a state policy aimed at physical destruction of the #Rohingya. 7/15
2. Facebook’s argument seems focused on the legal bar to disclosing private communications by users. It's not clear the SCA covers material posted *publicly* by Myanmar users and then taken down (and made inaccessible) by Facebook (a big part of The Gambia’s request). 8/15
2a. If the SCA provisions do not cover materials that @Facebook users shared publicly, this suggests that a more narrowly-tailored request under §1782 could avoid the SCA issue (Facebook argues that the Court has no obligation to ‘trim’ an overbroad request). 9/15
3. Facebook’s argument that the request lacks sufficient specificity seems disingenuous. It’s hard to square with The Gambia’s identification of 19 individuals and organization whose accounts were banned, and… 10/15
3a. …The Gambia also refers to 438 Facebook pages, 17 groups, 145 accounts, and 15 @instagram accounts in Myanmar that were removed in October/December 2018, plus posts by the military-owned Myawady TV station. This is fairly specific. 11/15
3b. @Facebook's argument that it can't tell what accounts are within the scope of the request seems unconvincing. The Gambia’s request refers to accounts in Myanmar that FB itself already banned or suspended during the specified timeframe. 12/15
3c. @TheGambia is not asking @Facebook *now* to identify FB accounts that may have engaged in suspect activity. It is seeking materials relating to accounts in Myanmar that Facebook previously took action against, as FB has documented. 13/15
There's undoubtedly much more to say about the @Facebook response. I’d welcome thoughts from those with §1782 experience. Should @Gambia_MOJ explore the §2523 option? Should the §1782 request be limited to (formerly) public documents? Do any other SCA exceptions apply? 14/15
The Gambia did not preemptively deal with Facebook’s SCA defense in its §1782 application, so we will see what they have to say. The response is due 11 August. -END-

• • •

Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to force a refresh
 

Keep Current with Mike Becker

Mike Becker Profile picture

Stay in touch and get notified when new unrolls are available from this author!

Read all threads

This Thread may be Removed Anytime!

PDF

Twitter may remove this content at anytime! Save it as PDF for later use!

Try unrolling a thread yourself!

how to unroll video
  1. Follow @ThreadReaderApp to mention us!

  2. From a Twitter thread mention us with a keyword "unroll"
@threadreaderapp unroll

Practice here first or read more on our help page!

More from @mabecker17

Apr 26
Re Judge Donoghue's @BBCHARDtalk interview: I realize this won't satisfy many people, but there is a difference between saying (1) that the ICJ did not decide that claims of genocide are plausible (what she said) and (2) that the Court decided that such claims are NOT plausible.
The ICJ did NOT reject South Africa's genocide claims or declare than implausible (this is consistent with Judge Donoghue's remarks). One could instead think about this (i.e., plausibility of the *claim*) as a question the Court did not need to decide in granting interim relief.
What gets lost is that the ICJ found a real & imminent risk of irreparable prejudice to the plausible rights of Palestinians in Gaza. This is forward looking. This can be reasonably construed as a finding that S. Africa established a plausible risk of genocide *going forward*.
Read 5 tweets
Apr 9
Having now had the chance to read the Day 2 transcript in #Nicaragua v #Germany, I think Nicaragua may come up empty at the #ICJ. Not because the law means that Nicaragua’s claims are fundamentally flawed or inadmissible, but because the facts, it appears, are on Germany’s side.
Germany’s argument on prima facie jurisdiction (plus Monetary Gold) was not wholly convincing. The key difference b/w claims based on existence of a serious risk of IHL violations/genocide versus claims requiring prior establishment of violations was too easily brushed aside.
That said, I would not discount Germany’s arguments about Nicaragua’s alleged failure to have established the existence of a dispute prior to bringing the case. This case may (unhelpfully?) demonstrate why the dispute requirement (which I strongly dislike) has some merit.
Read 7 tweets
Mar 28
In response to #SouthAfrica’s request of 6 March 2024 & the deteriorating situation in #Gaza, the #ICJ has modified the provisional measures that it indicated against #Israel on 26 January. Here are some key points and observations on the decision and the separate opinions.🧵1/20
What has the ICJ ordered Israel to do? By unanimous vote, the Court directed Israel to take all necessary and effective measures to ensure unhindered provision at scale of urgently needed aid and basic services, including by increasing the number of land crossing points. 2/20
By 15-1, the Court ordered Israel to ensure that its military does not commit acts which violate the rights of Palestinians in Gaza as a protected group under the Genocide Convention, including by preventing delivery of humanitarian aid. 3/20
Read 20 tweets
Jan 26
The #ICJ will issue its decision on #SouthAfrica’s request for provisional measures against #Israel starting at 1 pm today in The Hague. If you are watching the live feed at UN Web TV (), here are some key points to look out for. 🧵tinyurl.com/5n6m94px
Preliminary point: The ICJ will not make any determination today about whether Israel’s actions in #Gaza amount to genocide. This is a question for the merits phase. This decision is about protecting the rights at issue while the case is pending.
First, has SA met the threshold test for the ICJ to issue provisional measures (PMs)? Points of interest: 1. Has South Africa established that a bilateral dispute about the Genocide Convention existed between it and Israel prior to filing the case? This goes to jurisdiction.
Read 11 tweets
Jan 11
From a legal perspective, this part of Vaughan Lowe's intervention on behalf of South Africa is absolutely essential to anticipating and addressing the core of the arguments we can expect to see from Israel tomorrow.
Making important points here about why South Africa cannot ask the ICJ to direct PMs at Hamas, and highlighting the fact that Israel's claim that it does everything it can to abide by IHL & spare civilians is undermined by Israel's actual actions, which tell a different story.
Lowe also makes the argument that the only way to ensure the necessary humanitarian response is a complete suspension of military operations that have the potential to violate the Genocide Convention.
Read 5 tweets
Dec 30, 2023
The best way to answer this is by looking at the PMs that South Africa has requested (para 144 of the request). In many respects, these requests track the PMs requested in the case against #Myanmar. In that case, the #ICJ granted some of the requested PMs but rejected others. 1/9
SA seeks PMs directing Israel: to suspend military ops in #Gaza (1, 2, 3); abide by its obligations under the #GenocideConvention (4, 6); and prevent expulsion/forced displacement, deprivation of food/water/humanitarian aid, and ‘destruction of Palestinian life’ in Gaza (5). 2/9
SA also asks the ICJ to direct Israel: to prevent destruction of evidence, including by not denying access to fact-finding missions (7); to submit periodic reports on measures taken to implement the PMs (8); and to refrain from acts which might aggravate the dispute (9). 3/9
Read 9 tweets

Did Thread Reader help you today?

Support us! We are indie developers!


This site is made by just two indie developers on a laptop doing marketing, support and development! Read more about the story.

Become a Premium Member ($3/month or $30/year) and get exclusive features!

Become Premium

Don't want to be a Premium member but still want to support us?

Make a small donation by buying us coffee ($5) or help with server cost ($10)

Donate via Paypal

Or Donate anonymously using crypto!

Ethereum

0xfe58350B80634f60Fa6Dc149a72b4DFbc17D341E copy

Bitcoin

3ATGMxNzCUFzxpMCHL5sWSt4DVtS8UqXpi copy

Thank you for your support!

Follow Us!

:(