Mike Becker Profile picture
Aug 19, 2020 17 tweets 6 min read Read on X
#TheGambia has filed its reply in US Federal Court to @Facebook’s arguments opposing discovery under §1782 in relation to the #genocide case against #Myanmar at the #ICJ. Here’s a thread summarizing The Gambia’s argument. For Facebook’s argument, see my prior thread (below). 1/17
#TheGambia argues that Facebook wrongly claims its hands are tied by US law, precluding its co-operation. The Gambia’s main argument is that the Stored Communications Act (SCA) (invoked by Facebook) doesn't cover the requests, or, if it does, that statutory exceptions apply. 2/17
First, The Gambia focuses on statutory text to argue that the SCA doesn't apply to foreign governments, its officials or its agents, or to anyone who has engaged in unauthorized use of @Facebook’s platform (i.e., in violation of its own terms). 3/17
According to The Gambia, the statutory history supports this interpretation and shows that Congress did not intend to protect the privacy interests or Fourth Amendment rights of foreign governments/officials (no extraterritoriality). 4/17
Secondly, The Gambia contends that its requests are limited to information that Facebook removed from the platform and preserved, and that the SCA only prohibits divulging communications in ‘temporary electronic storage’ or for purposes of ‘backup protection’. 5/17
According to The Gambia, the fact that Facebook removed content for violating its policies (and made it inaccessible to users) means the requested content is neither in temporary storage nor stored for backup protection (as defined), and thus not subject to SCA protections. 6/17
Thirdly, The Gambia argues that even if the SCA does apply, there are two relevant statutory exceptions that permit @Facebook to disclose the requested materials anyway. #Rohingya #Myanmar 7/17
The first exception (§2702(b)(5)) would, per The Gambia, allow @Facebook to disclose information to protect its own rights or property, which The Gambia suggests means Facebook’s right to protect its own interests by preventing the platform’s misuse for illegal activity. 8/17
The second exception (§2703(b)(3)) permits disclosure by Facebook where a communication was previously made public. The Gambia contends that that no expectation of privacy attaches to material that was publicly posted, which amounts to a waiver/implied consent to disclosure. 9/17
In general, The Gambia’s reply does not deal specifically with whether private communications or drafts on FB that were never made public fall outside the SCA, but it seems to imply that these materials would make up only a tiny slice of the requested material. 10/17
The Gambia then addresses Facebook’s argument that it should seek the requested information through other channels, and that the request is too broad and unworkable. The Gambia gives these arguments short shrift. 11/17
First, The Gambia makes the case that a mutual legal assistance process and the CLOUD Act are cumbersome, and that CLOUD is potentially inapplicable (if SCA doesn't apply). Moreover, The Gambia argues that compliance by Facebook under the CLOUD Act would only be voluntary. 12/17
Secondly, The Gambia rebuts Facebook’s claim that the request isn't narrowly tailored, emphasizing that it seeks material that FB previously identified & acted on. It also asserts that the 2012 timeframe is relevant to proving genocidal intent in relation to 2016-17 events. 13/17
The Gambia also argues that if the Court deems the request too broad, any concerns can be cured, and that privacy concerns could be addressed through a protective order. Since The Gambia’s brief at the #ICJ is due in October, it asks the court act to act quickly. 14/17
My quick take: Based on a first read, several of The Gambia’s textual arguments about the limited scope of the SCA feel strained. I defer to those with SCA expertise, but I have some doubts about whether the Court will accept this narrow reading. 15/17
Also, while pursuing the material through a state-to-state process or the CLOUD Act exception may be cumbersome, it’s not clear that this is in itself a persuasive argument in support of the proposition that the scope of the SCA restrictions should be construed narrowly. 16/17
However, the argument that the SCA doesn’t prevent @Facebook from disclosing public content that it took down (which #TheGambia says ‘forms virtually all of the subpoenaed information’) looks stronger—and may be the clearest path to compelling some disclosure under §1782. -END-

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More from @mabecker17

Mar 28
In response to #SouthAfrica’s request of 6 March 2024 & the deteriorating situation in #Gaza, the #ICJ has modified the provisional measures that it indicated against #Israel on 26 January. Here are some key points and observations on the decision and the separate opinions.🧵1/20
What has the ICJ ordered Israel to do? By unanimous vote, the Court directed Israel to take all necessary and effective measures to ensure unhindered provision at scale of urgently needed aid and basic services, including by increasing the number of land crossing points. 2/20
By 15-1, the Court ordered Israel to ensure that its military does not commit acts which violate the rights of Palestinians in Gaza as a protected group under the Genocide Convention, including by preventing delivery of humanitarian aid. 3/20
Read 20 tweets
Jan 26
The #ICJ will issue its decision on #SouthAfrica’s request for provisional measures against #Israel starting at 1 pm today in The Hague. If you are watching the live feed at UN Web TV (), here are some key points to look out for. 🧵tinyurl.com/5n6m94px
Preliminary point: The ICJ will not make any determination today about whether Israel’s actions in #Gaza amount to genocide. This is a question for the merits phase. This decision is about protecting the rights at issue while the case is pending.
First, has SA met the threshold test for the ICJ to issue provisional measures (PMs)? Points of interest: 1. Has South Africa established that a bilateral dispute about the Genocide Convention existed between it and Israel prior to filing the case? This goes to jurisdiction.
Read 11 tweets
Jan 11
From a legal perspective, this part of Vaughan Lowe's intervention on behalf of South Africa is absolutely essential to anticipating and addressing the core of the arguments we can expect to see from Israel tomorrow.
Making important points here about why South Africa cannot ask the ICJ to direct PMs at Hamas, and highlighting the fact that Israel's claim that it does everything it can to abide by IHL & spare civilians is undermined by Israel's actual actions, which tell a different story.
Lowe also makes the argument that the only way to ensure the necessary humanitarian response is a complete suspension of military operations that have the potential to violate the Genocide Convention.
Read 5 tweets
Dec 30, 2023
The best way to answer this is by looking at the PMs that South Africa has requested (para 144 of the request). In many respects, these requests track the PMs requested in the case against #Myanmar. In that case, the #ICJ granted some of the requested PMs but rejected others. 1/9
SA seeks PMs directing Israel: to suspend military ops in #Gaza (1, 2, 3); abide by its obligations under the #GenocideConvention (4, 6); and prevent expulsion/forced displacement, deprivation of food/water/humanitarian aid, and ‘destruction of Palestinian life’ in Gaza (5). 2/9
SA also asks the ICJ to direct Israel: to prevent destruction of evidence, including by not denying access to fact-finding missions (7); to submit periodic reports on measures taken to implement the PMs (8); and to refrain from acts which might aggravate the dispute (9). 3/9
Read 9 tweets
Dec 29, 2023
Two points about #SouthAfrica’s new #ICJ case against #Israel alleging violations of the #GenocideConvention re #Gaza. First, it's important to recall that at the provisional measures phase, the #ICJ does *not* need to determine whether Israel has committed acts of genocide. 1/7
Instead, the #ICJ will consider (i) whether acts complained of by South Africa are capable of falling within provisions of the #GenocideConvention, and (ii) whether Palestinians in Gaza face a real and imminent risk of genocide going forward (& while the case is pending). 2/7
The #ICJ explained this in its provisional measures order in #TheGambia v #Myanmar. So even for those who believe it will be impossible to prove genocidal intent on the merits, this is not an obstacle to the ICJ finding that the requirements for provisional measures are met. 3/7 Image
Read 7 tweets
Mar 16, 2022
A few initial observations about the #ICJ's order today indicating provisional measures in #Ukraine v #Russia. The bottom line is that the Court has ordered Russia to suspend immediately, without qualification, the military operation against Ukraine begun on 24 February. 1/19
As expected, the #ICJ found a dispute was established prior to seisin of the Court based on Russia’s conduct since 2014, incl criminal proceedings brought by Russia against Ukrainian officials for alleged acts in violation of the Genocide Convention. 2/19
That history put more recent assertions by both parties in context, including President Putin’s justification for the military operation commenced on 24 February. In general, I think it is positive to see the Court not taking an overly formalistic approach here. 3/19
Read 19 tweets

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