Re: #CourtPacking: many have become so inured to the idea that #SCOTUS has been and should be apolitical that we miss the forest for the trees. While we debate whether SCOTUS is political (it is) members have used the apolitical posture to increase the Court's authority/power. 1/
Consider Chief Justice Roberts' repeated insistence that the justices are umpires in conjunction with the enormous amount of power he amassed as the "swing" vote in the last term. 2/
With some notable exceptions (thx @StrictScrutiny_), Roberts was praised as an "institutionalist" for those votes by court watchers. The idea that the Court was behaving "apolitically" seemed to translate into an increase in public faith in #SCOTUS 3/
But I think we #Twitterstorians need to move beyond the simple point that the Constitution does not prescribe the # of justices & that the # has changed. We should talk more broadly about how #SCOTUS has operated historically as part of the political system. 5/
This piece by @karpmj is a good start: jacobinmag.com/2020/09/abraha…. But the fight over Dred Scott also existed in the context of a much less powerful #SCOTUS and a much more fluid notion of what the Court could or should be 6/
In this context, #SCOTUS's health as an institution did not rely on the apolitical posture the public seems to prefer today. Its institutional health had a much closer relationship to how limited its power/authority was. 7/
So we should stop thinking about this as a two-dimensional problem of political v. apolitical courts. It's a three-dimensional problem involving politics, power/authority, and institutionalism. 8/
The unsettled nature of constitutional politics historically is an important guide for us to reframe the conversation. Historians have a big role to play in that reframing. 9/9
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This is good thread on the justices' sources in the Affirmative Action opinions & it hits on an important problem for professional historians appalled by this Court's use of history: the justices rely heavily on law review articles for their historical insight. 1/
Sometimes justices look at other sources from the era (leg debates, etc., along with previous cases), but they don't often read/cite good *scholarly interpretations* of sources in places like the AHR, the @JournAmHist or other journals like, say, the @JCWE1 for Reconstruction. 2/
Law reviews have a different purpose from history journals; even when they evaluate historical sources well, their primary concern is shaping legal interpretation. So the justices are absorbing history through a particular framework--one not grounded in the historical method. 3/
It’s always worth reading David Blight and this is a thoughtful piece connecting the 1850s to today. But I think the emphasis on #SCOTUS—comparing Dred Scott in the 1850s and our modern reactionary Court—is misguided for a number of important reasons. nytimes.com/2022/12/21/mag… 1/
First, we can’t project the power and authority of today’s Supreme Court onto the past. In the 1850s, few believed #SCOTUS held ultimate authority over constitutional meaning; the people retained the right to define what the constitution meant. 2/
Reaction to the Dred Scott case in many places in the northern states reflected that skepticism of #SCOTUS authority by effectively rejecting the Court’s ruling, as Rob Baker’s terrific book on Wisconsin illustrates ohioswallow.com/book/The+Rescu… 3/
This important @adamliptak piece describes how #SCOTUS is accumulating more and more power at the expense of...every other institution in U.S. politics. It's paywalled, but the article draws on really important work that isn't. 1/ nytimes.com/2022/12/19/us/…
Perhaps most important of these is @marklemley's: "The Imperial Supreme Court" in the Harvard Law Review: harvardlawreview.org/2022/11/the-im… on the accumulation of #SCOTUS's power over U.S. political institutions from Congress to the Presidency to state and federal courts. 2/
Liptak also cites Lee Epstein and Rebecca Brown on the Court's rulings on Executive Power: documentcloud.org/documents/2346… and @steve_vladeck on #SCOTUS taking up cases before federal appeals courts can rule on them ("certiorari before judgment"):
I know this is the myth that doesn't die, but there really was no Compromise of 1877. And the more we repeat this myth, the harder it is to see the most important similarity between 1876 & today: massive campaigns to suppress & intimidate Black voters.
Yang is rightly getting pilloried for this tweet, given the catastrophic effect Johnson had on Reconstruction and Black rights. But it's also worth pointing out what a poor analogy Lincoln's pop vote total & 19th-c. political parties more generally are to our 21st-c. politics. 1/
Unlike today, 19th-c. political parties were impermanent; they rose and died out as political issues changed and new coalitions formed. One consequence: it was *common* to have a 3- or 4-way race for the presidency. Lincoln was the 5th president not to win the popular vote. 2/
Choosing Johnson also was not some example of reaching across the aisle. First, bipartisanship was not a thing in the 19th c. Most partisans did not believe the other party was legitimate enough to compromise with or work with. (Cross-sectional cooperation was another matter.) 3/
The memes my Constitutional History of the US to 1877 students made are too great not to share (with permission). Some of my favorites in this thread! The first inspired by @TheGNapp 1/
The students read Mary Bilder's terrific book, Madison's Hand and so they had a lot to say about Madison 2/