Cherry rightly put to Gove his claim in March that the UK would put in place a subsidy control system that the EU would recognise as robust.
She contrasted that claim with the BEIS 9 September pronouncement gov.uk/government/new… that as from 1/1/21 the UK would have no subsidy regime save for administrative “guidance” on how to comply with the UK’s WTO obligations.
That pronouncement went on to indicate that some time in “the coming months” the current government will publish a “consultation on whether the UK should go further than its international commitments, including on the need for further legislation.”
(Background: it appears that the administrative “guidance” would have no legal effect on the conduct of any authority. Moreover, WTO rules do not extend to services and with limited exceptions bite only when a subsidy causes injury to foreign industry in defined ways.
They do not apply where e.g. subsidies are used to purchase companies or assets, or, generally, to undercut competitors in procurement.)
Given the terms of the BEIS pronouncement, it is not clear on what basis Gove felt able to say that the system to be in place as of 1/1/21 could be described as “robust” or likely to satisfy the EU as being “robust”.
Frost dealt with the rest of Cherry’s questioning on the point.
He claimed that the 9 September statement “intended to provide clarity” as to the UK’s future regime. That is - as you may notice - a subtly different claim from a claim that it *did* provide any such clarity.
Frost’s careful language perhaps reflects the manifest impossibility of maintaining any claim that the BEIS pronouncement does provide any clarity, given its vague terms (vague as to whether there will be such a regime, let alone as to its contents: see above).
All Frost was able to add was that there “probably” would be an “administrative” regime “further down the line”.
Well, the end of the universe is “further down the line”, so that doesn’t add much. And “probably” is not exactly a commitment.
As for “administrative” regime, that is hopelessly vague. Note that if the regime is to catch the devolved administrations, it would require law: Westminster has no power to issue “administrative” instructions to them as to how they spend their money.
The key questions are as to the legal effect of such a regime. Who monitors and enforces compliance with it? What happens if the regime is not complied with? Does it give affected third parties rights to complain and to take legal action if the regime is breached?
Frost goes on to set out “high level principles” for such a regime: transparency; subsidies to be granted only for defined policy objectives; subsidies to be the right instrument; subsidies to generate a change in behaviour. (There may have been more: he was cut off.)
Those are all well and good: but setting out those principles skirts round the key question of how compliance with them is to be secured.
A system which sets out such principles only as aspirations, with no consequences for ignoring them, is not, and cannot be pretended to be, a “robust” system.
(Nor does it provide much assurance to UK business or foreign investors in the UK that they won’t face unfair competition from subsidised rivals.)
It therefore seems to me that the UK is going to have to go further and make commitments as to the legal effect and enforceability of its new regime (as well as committing to having one, as opposed to “probably” having one).
Moreover, there cannot be a Wild West of a more or less free hand on subsidies between 31/12/20 and the implementation of a new regime some time in 2021/22.
Since time has now run out for getting a 🇬🇧 subsidy regime in place for 1/1/21, it seems to me that the government will have to agree to hold over the State aid regime (modified for domestic operation) in the interim.
Fortunately, there is an existing draft SI, drafted last year, setting that regime up (using powers in s.8 of the Withdrawal Act). With some tweaks, it can work. I think it will have to do, in any event./ends
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A few comments on the legal background to this (it’s the investigation of Darren Grimes in relation to interview with David Starkey where Starkey made grossly racist remarks).
1. For those muttering about New Labour legislation, the legislation at issue, creating offences relating to stirring up racial hatred, is the Public Order Act 1986. It’s Thatcher era legislation (Douglas Hurd being the responsible Home Secretary). legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1986/64/…
2. The basic offence (s.18) is (so far as relevant) using insulting language which you intend to stir up racial hatred or which is likely to do so. It doesn’t cover simply interviewing someone who then makes a racist comment (the offence, if any, would be theirs).
Absolutely. I’d add that, in trying to persuade others why the rule of law matters, avoid using the phrase itself. It isn’t clear to those who haven’t been following, and sounds too much like “rule of lawyers”.
Instead, make these points (among others and in no particular order). Rules should be clear. Ministers shouldn’t decide for themselves whether they are acting within their powers or complying with rules: that’s for courts. Governments should stick to agreements they have signed.
Decisions should be taken only after those concerned have a real chance to be heard. Govt decisions should not be biased or contracts awarded to contacts without giving others a fair chance. Governments should be able to be taken to court if they don’t follow those principles.
An inspiring read for a Sunday: Pope Francis’ encyclical letter “Fratelli Tutti”. vatican.va/content/france…
One point struck me throughout: that the supposed tension between “traditional values” (and what could be more of a “traditional value” than Catholic teaching?) and “liberal” values such as kindness to and respect for migrants and those who are different is utterly illusory.
Indeed, the letter shows how you can build a programme for radical political and social change on foundations that are as traditional as you can imagine. The parable of the Good Samaritan, for example.
The concern expressed in this article is a direct consequence of the lack of transparency and democratic accountability for the government’s decisions on local lockdowns. thetimes.co.uk/article/no-cor…
There are serious equality concerns about what is happening.
And apparent different treatment of Tory constituencies - by at least the infection rate/100k metric which seems to have been a major factor in decision-making.
And - a reminder - a UK subsidy regime was a Tory election promise (and a commitment to one was in the Political Declaration on which they fought the election). See
Very important point here. The reason why it is fair to ask Johnson about the detailed regulation in each area of England is precisely because his government - in a centralised way and with very limited democratic scrutiny- makes those regulations. The buck stops with him.
(If someone had asked him about the detailed rules in Aberdeen or Aberystwyth, his answer would, rightly, have been: “ask the 🏴 or 🏴 Ministers about that”.)
The burden of centralisation is that you are accountable for all the decisions taken centrally.