A few comments on the legal background to this (it’s the investigation of Darren Grimes in relation to interview with David Starkey where Starkey made grossly racist remarks).
1. For those muttering about New Labour legislation, the legislation at issue, creating offences relating to stirring up racial hatred, is the Public Order Act 1986. It’s Thatcher era legislation (Douglas Hurd being the responsible Home Secretary). legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1986/64/…
2. The basic offence (s.18) is (so far as relevant) using insulting language which you intend to stir up racial hatred or which is likely to do so. It doesn’t cover simply interviewing someone who then makes a racist comment (the offence, if any, would be theirs).
Nor does it cover a journalist “failing to call [your interviewee] out” for their racism.
3. S.22 does cover “including in a programme service” insulting video images or sounds (eg someone making grossly racist comments) if the broadcaster/producer intends to stir up racial hatred or if racial hatred is likely to be stirred up.
Since Grimes was the producer and broadcaster (as I understand it: it’s his podcast), that is likely to be the issue here. His (putative) liability is in that capacity, not his capacity as interviewer.
There are then various defences for a broadcaster who didn’t intend to stir up racial hatred: no idea that the programme included the material; couldn’t stop it going out (live broadcasts); no reason to suspect that the material was insulting or threatening.
4. Is any of this sensible? Well, the view that there should be restrictions on your ability to stir up racial hatred by your speech is not a “woke” view: unless you count Douglas Hurd and Margaret Thatcher as “woke”.
And if you are going to have those restrictions, they also have to cover those who broadcast such language (just as if you are going to have libel laws, you have to cover those who broadcast the libel as well as those who originally make it).
“I was just passing on what he said, nothing to do with me” is not a principled defence, in either case.
None of the particular defences for broadcasters seem to apply (Grimes knew what he was broadcasting and could have stopped it.) The real issue here is whether broadcasting Starkey’s remarks was likely to stir up racial hatred (accepting that Grimes did not intend to do so).
Importantly, in interpreting and applying that test (and the 1986 Act generally) you have to hold in mind the right to free expression in the (Blair era) Human Rights Act (ECHR Art 10).
FWIW my view is that it seems to me to be somewhat implausible that putting out Starkey’s racist and stupid comments on Grimes’ podcast was likely to have stirred up racial hatred. (More likely to stir up the reaction that Starkey was a racist idiot for making the comments.)
But since the remarks were (as everyone accepts) grossly racist and were broadcast, that is the question that the police have to address.
As it happens, I see a lot of force in @sundersays’ typically balanced and nuanced take (though I’d like to be clear what the Met has actually done before condemning it for over-reaction).
Very good analysis of Rawls’ political philosophy by @Jesse_Norman. (Don’t be put off by the faint-praise description of him as the current govt’s philosopher-in-chief.)
The point that Rawls’ account doesn’t (can’t) take account of any specific conception of human good - or of unchosen attachments that makes us who we are - isn’t at all a new one (see eg Michael Sandel back in the 80s): but Norman puts it well.
Note that the claim that a satisfactory account of a good or just society must take account of who we actually are in the societies we are actually in sounds - in Norman’s hands - a bit conservative. But it isn’t necessarily so.
Cherry rightly put to Gove his claim in March that the UK would put in place a subsidy control system that the EU would recognise as robust.
She contrasted that claim with the BEIS 9 September pronouncement gov.uk/government/new… that as from 1/1/21 the UK would have no subsidy regime save for administrative “guidance” on how to comply with the UK’s WTO obligations.
Absolutely. I’d add that, in trying to persuade others why the rule of law matters, avoid using the phrase itself. It isn’t clear to those who haven’t been following, and sounds too much like “rule of lawyers”.
Instead, make these points (among others and in no particular order). Rules should be clear. Ministers shouldn’t decide for themselves whether they are acting within their powers or complying with rules: that’s for courts. Governments should stick to agreements they have signed.
Decisions should be taken only after those concerned have a real chance to be heard. Govt decisions should not be biased or contracts awarded to contacts without giving others a fair chance. Governments should be able to be taken to court if they don’t follow those principles.
An inspiring read for a Sunday: Pope Francis’ encyclical letter “Fratelli Tutti”. vatican.va/content/france…
One point struck me throughout: that the supposed tension between “traditional values” (and what could be more of a “traditional value” than Catholic teaching?) and “liberal” values such as kindness to and respect for migrants and those who are different is utterly illusory.
Indeed, the letter shows how you can build a programme for radical political and social change on foundations that are as traditional as you can imagine. The parable of the Good Samaritan, for example.
The concern expressed in this article is a direct consequence of the lack of transparency and democratic accountability for the government’s decisions on local lockdowns. thetimes.co.uk/article/no-cor…
There are serious equality concerns about what is happening.
And apparent different treatment of Tory constituencies - by at least the infection rate/100k metric which seems to have been a major factor in decision-making.
And - a reminder - a UK subsidy regime was a Tory election promise (and a commitment to one was in the Political Declaration on which they fought the election). See