My bottom four presidents remain the same ... Pierce, Buchanan, A. Johnson, and Trump, with AJ and the Donald in the finals.
President who is sliding down? Andrew Jackson. Upward and onward? Grant, although perhaps too far in the opposite direction.
Presidential reputation remains shaped primarily by biographers and historians. Ask Truman and Eisenhower. Ask JFK and LBJ.
Who lives, who dies, who writes your story ... indeed.
For example, if Bush 43 gets a biographer like Bush 41 did, expect a kinder reevaluation but little ratings movement. 43 has benefited much from 45.
Arthur Schlesinger Jr. did much to boost Jackson, FDR, and JFK, although he never did finish FDR. Robert Dallek helped FDR and JFK. A series of Nixon biographies lead to a more nuanced assessment.
As for Grant, I think people will be surprised by what I have to say. Let's just say that my thinking has deepened over time. Not into writing to rehabilitate. I write to understand. Others can judge.
I think that how we see and discuss presidents tells us at least as much about us as it does them.
After all, when I was in Tennessee I saw three documentary projects swoon over Jackson, Polk, and A. Johnson.
However, I am also aware that imaginative empathy or understanding a perspective can get one in trouble ... sometimes unfairly.
Harold Holzer came close to labeling me a neo-Confederate in a review of Advice After Appomattox, which contained correspondence concerning what was going on in the South in 1865-66 generated by people who had been dispatched there by Johnson.
All I did in the introductory essays is show how certain people catered to Johnson's selective assessment. Schurz and Chase tried to persuade him to change course. Grant sought middle ground.
Describing and understanding isn't endorsing.
Harold didn't understand that. Perhaps he thought I was a white southern apologist, although all three co-editors were northern-born.
But he gave me street cred as being objective. :) No one else would ever imagine me as neo-Confederate or a Lost Cause apologist.
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We will hear a lot today about the anniversary of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, issued by Abraham Lincoln on September 22, 1862.
It's often confused with the Emancipation Proclamation itself, which was issued on January 1, 1863.
All too often the former is read in light of the latter, if indeed it is read at all. Anyone who reads them both will see real differences between them in a number of areas.
That practice warps our understanding of how freedom came and the context in which it evolved.
The PEP (for the 9/22/62 document) is best understood as a document of reconstruction based on reconciliationist premises that contained a threat of revolution should reconciliation fail again.
Had white southerners accepted its terms, history would be far different.
In the spring of 1971 I attended my first Rangers practice. Afterwards, as #BobNevin and @rodgilbert7 got onto a red sports car, Nevin gave me my first autograph from an NHL player (Rod would sign plenty of things later, but I didn't get his autograph then).
That spring was a memorable one for Nevin, as his OT goal in Game 6 won the first playoff series the Rangers had won in years ... and it beat his old team, the Toronto Maple Leafs.
Go to 21:50 here to see it:
As a Rangers fan at the time, to win a playoff series was a big thing. I believe it was the first time @rodgilbert7 was on the winning side of the handshake line.
What will make the impending presidential election notable is that it will remind us of how the Electoral College has shaped national politics since 1800 and how we have debated the legitimacy of election results (see 1876, 2000).
Prior to 1860, the impact of the 3/5 rule on the allocation of electoral votes favored the South, resulting in a presidency and a Supreme Court where southerners held disproportionate power (remember who nominates justices, right?).
In 1860, however, the Electoral College secured a victory for Abraham Lincoln, who did not manage to get even 40% of the popular vote.
It also helped Republicans fare well in presidential elections from 1876 through 1892, after Democrats' voter suppression reduced black voting.
Carlson also wants to distract you from his own issues, and Cuomo offers an ideal target. The funny thing is that Cuomo's fans will set this aside, much like Carlson's fans set his indiscretions aside.
Carlson's also desperate to discredit Cohen ...
... and he can't do so based on the content of Cohen's remarks. As to why Carlson wants to defend Trump, who will use him and then dispose of him, well, that will be must reading in The Rise and Fall of Tucker Carlson.
"Civil War Memory Studies" is a deceptively simple term. It includes how we understand what caused secession and war and how it came about (especially concerning slavery and race); how we understand what the war meant and how it turned out as it did ...
... and what happened during Reconstruction and its legacy for the American polity and population. It's also part of a larger story of expansion and definition as the American Republic wrestled with its founding principles and their unanticipated applications by new stakeholders.
This became terribly clear to me earlier this year while writing the text for an illustrated history of the war to be published in Great Britain next year.
Early on I made it clear that you couldn't tell the history of the war itself without talking about before and after.